passage). Ere s kigal demands that Nergal be sent back to become her husband or else she will send up the dead to devour the living (for a translation of the passage in question, see A. Kirk Grayson, “Akkadian Myths and Epics” in James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old
ballast ( labousa d’herma ) of Zeus, with unlying word she conceived ( geinato ) a blameless child, 582-589 (a4) all-fortunate throughout his long life ( aionos ); whence all the earth cries, ‘This is truly the o V spring of life-producing Zeus.’ For who I wonder put an end to the illnesses of plotting
class, could visit Jerusalem and were even allowed to pray at the Muslim holy sites taken by the Franks, 3 but the re-conquest of Jerusalem evoked a deep emotional response and elaborate rites of purification of the Muslim holy sites took place. These rituals were motivated by the desire to purify the
. In this cavalcade of royalty, Baker’s analysis of Babylonian urban life is welcome, a companion piece to Waerzeggers’ reconstruction of the interdependency of the Neo-Babylonian ruling elite.
Counting and reckoning are part of the picture, hence the contributions of John M. Steele on time and
complained about the loneliness and impersonal nature of life in Dubai, Faheem felt that it was better than living in a state of constant fear in Karachi.
The heightened violence between the mqm and the gangs slowly dissipated, and, by 2014, the fear was based mostly on memories rather than on immediate
-66 and 68-71 in his edition, and this numbering will be retained in this article. These documents are valuable in that they can be seen to constitute a mini-archive, documenting a particular small community over a short period of time, and thus provide a valuable snapshot of life in the region during
- rial) to living thing is “that which is done to [or possibly for ] the shabtis.” By means of a magical ritual the craftsman gave life to the shabti. Lorton (1999: 148 with n. 39) states that the venerable ritual known as “Opening of the Mouth” was employed to enliven shabtis as well as mummies and
’s “majestic” image, and encourage Goa’s enemies to take advantage of its fragilities. These efforts to maintain a prestigious image were also motivated by the desire to promote a powerful image of the Portuguese king. The distance that separates Portugal from India impeded local rulers to have a direct
already exist- ing within the Manangi community. Sumith dedicates a fl oor of his house to serve like room number G in Penang — a shared living space for Manangis that is o ff -limits to others. Living in Chant- haburi, his house also serves as a transit point and store for cash and gems, whence Manangis
mores of Islam, and the loyalties to quarter and group that were characteristic of this city were urban “ideals” motivated by Islam. Elsewhere in the essay he went so far as to say that Muslim orthodoxy was a “product of urban life.” 57 Von Grunebaum treated the Islamic city as an ideal type, and he