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points of view and based on various theories in use. 4 In the history of research into emotions, 5 classical historians and philosophers (see below) have treated human emotional life as the expression of mind and body. In 1890, based on a study of facial expressions, Darwin proposed that human

In: The Expression of Emotions in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia
Author: Ulrike Steinert

internal organs. Only some phrases are free of this ambiguity, such as the “pounding heart” ( libbu+nakādu/tarāku ), which is encountered as a physical sign of life and as an idiom for fear: Gilgamesh Epic VIII  58: he touched his heart ( libbu ), but (felt that) it was not

In: The Expression of Emotions in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia

-European was motivated by a split within the preexisting PIE animate gender and that the split was sex-based”, and he notes (as Luraghi does in 2011, though not in 2009b) that Meillet had already proposed in 1931 that the PIE feminine arose within the “common” or “animate” gender: “that the creation of the

In: Hrozný and Hittite
Author: I. Tzvi Abusch

1 The Basis of Mesopotamian Religiosity Mesopotamian religion is attested in written texts for the first three thousand years of recorded history. * All the same we would begin with a few words about the early Mesopotamian view of human life, the gods, and the city. It should be noted that

In: Essays on Babylonian and Biblical Literature and Religion
Author: I. Tzvi Abusch

derives from his rootedness in the temple. The connection between the god’s relation to temple and his relation to people is expressed first of all by the juxtaposition of temple and mankind: Lover of Ezida, preserver of life, Lone one of Emaḫtila, multiplier of living. The two are thus put on a

In: Essays on Babylonian and Biblical Literature and Religion
Author: Tzvi Abusch

religion. Therefore, in a Mesopotamian context, witchcraft refers not to magical behavior as such, but to inimical behavior, that is, to the practice of magic for antisocial and destructive purposes (though, as we shall note later, not all behavior so labeled was, in fact, motivated by evil intentions

In: Further Studies on Mesopotamian Witchcraft Beliefs and Literature
Author: I. Tzvi Abusch

], traditional herbal therapy [ asûtu ], or a combination of the two.) For the individual Mesopotamian, magic remained the major means of asserting control over the uncertainties and vagaries of life. Accordingly, magic treats illness and other such life difficulties and transitions; these personal crises may

In: Essays on Babylonian and Biblical Literature and Religion
Author: Tzvi Abusch

approach that designates ancient patterns of behavior and belief according to modern categories and views zikurrudâ purely in pathological terms fails to take account of the fact that some diseases are a function of cultural beliefs that motivate behavior, behavior that may seem bizarre to us but

In: Further Studies on Mesopotamian Witchcraft Beliefs and Literature

with active involvement in Emarite affairs in two documents. 102 One is a living testament, which was concluded in front of Šaḫurunuwa and bears his royal seal. 103 As nothing in the text reveals why the king of Karkamiš was involved in such a quotidian legal matter, we might assume that the

In: The Politics of Ritual Change

organization, ignoring immediate or popular societal demands. 56 Mother Irini could have renovated the convent in Cairo, restored respect for the patron saint Abu Saifein, and guided her nuns in living a cloistered well-regimented life. However, her vision transcended the immediate needs of the nuns. Mother

In: Copts in Modernity