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Jean-Marie Bouissou

Although a few can be found earlier, the political machines known as koenkai , or “support associations,” appeared in Japan mostly at the end of the 1950s. * They gradually have become a ubiquitous feature of political life and—as Brian Woodall states in this volume—“the most precious asset” of

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Michio Muramatsu and Ellis S. Krauss

the policy objectives of improving social overhead capital and the industrial structure and a concern for social stability. The improvement of national living standards and social development continued to play prominent roles in economic plans through the 1960s. Third, Ikeda’s program was the first

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Patricia L. Maclachlan

self-responsibility in the market-place. Aligned against them is a coalition of postal employees, bureaucrats and politicians that is motivated by a much different set of values and priorities. Spurred in part by the twin specters of unemployment and electoral decline, the postal lobby portrays the

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Otake Hideo

afford comfortable living without working as Diet members. They shared an “I can always quit” easy-going attitude. 11 In this sense, they enjoyed a more comfortable way of life than their fellow Diet members. Furthermore, the nisei Diet members enjoy far stronger bases of support within their

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Dennitza Gabrakova

strategically psychoanalytic access to such wound, as elaborated by Ukai in Chapter 2, one can also think of the archipelagic dimension as echoing “[Goethe’s] idea that the cultural life of the nation is ‘unconsciously’ lived,” and therefore, in Bhabha’s estimation “there may be a sense in which world

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Dennitza Gabrakova

homogenized postwar Japan divided between the recognition of itself in the reflections of the peripheral islands and a sense of superiority. On these islands the motif of reproductive sexuality reemerges, this time in response to questions of sustaining the life of a political community. According to

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Dennitza Gabrakova

devoted to the cult of the sword and the top prestige of the warrior” writes Benedict, 5 negatively embedding The Chrysanthemum and the Sword within a structural incongruence. The wartime realities that motivated this study of the U.S. enemy are abstracted in the “cult of the sword” and refracted in

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Roberta Strippoli

tennyo , a female deity, giving the piece an exotic flavor. Akihira concludes by wondering what the entertainer will do for a living the day her colors fade, expressing either pity or contempt for her condition. Fujiwara no Akihira is also the author of a sample “invitation letter” included in a primer

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Geoffrey C. Gunn

improvement in their standard of living.” The new lord Shigematsu Matsukura oppressed every member of the commoner class, Christian or not, to help fund the construction of Edo’s walls as well as Shimabara castle. In this argument, “the close bonds between the community, strengthened by a common culture and

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Brij Tankha

the Honganji—the Ōtani family—would be made religious heads (hoshū) and would have no say in the daily administration of the Honganji temples. They would continue to live in Kyoto and carry out ceremonial functions and receive Y3 million to maintain a suitable life. The separation from daily politics