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Garnik Asatrian

referred to fecundity and fruitfulness of the earth and people. It was considered as a character- istic reflex of birth, a progressive quality of a living being and life in general, ver- sus taciturnity and silence symbolizing death and the end of life. Laughter was con- sidered even as a magical means for

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Dick H. Luijendijk

, whom I did not meet before, seeing that I was a foreigner, came to me explaining the meaning of the zurkhaneh . He told me that the zurkhaneh was an Islamic tradition, and that the essence was similar to the performance of prayers ( namaz ) and that living the life of a javanmard was the same as living

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strove for spiritual power and influence within the ethnically closed tribal structure. The motives behind that struggle and mutual ri- valry were principally of a purely mundane nature: having such power meant an access to the resources essential for living, first and foremost fertile land and water

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Boghos Levon Zekiyan

earlier. Indeed, there does not exist any unchangeable ethno-cultural standard. Living people are no mummies. But this is not the question. The question is, on the contrary, in recognising a given ethnic com- munity in a continuity of language, traditions, religion, basic values and worldview, and so on

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Habib Borjian and Garnik Asatrian

who have lived a nomadic life, moving along the mountainous streams. Two factors, the terrain and the language set apart Talish from its neighbours. The densely vegetated mountainous Talish con- trasts the lowlands of Gil " n in the east and the dry steppe lands of Mugh " n in Azarb " i† " n (Aturp

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Dan Shapira

distinguishing these people from the Shi‘ite Persians; it is fruitless to speculate whether the Soviets were motivated by desire to insert a D. D. Y. Shapira / Iran and the Caucasus 14 (2010) 265-278 268 Dari ) and Ça atay, or Eastern Turki , a language with grand prestige in which Ali êr Navâ’î (Navo

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to create a more ‘statistically signifi- cant’ and, hopefully, unbiased portrait of the country” (p. 427). At best, this reasoning is viable in the native country, certainly not the case for sporadic contacts, and in communication with the mostly dis- sident Iranians living in the United States

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Caspar ten Dam

- tion broke a taboo, or was either too grave or not grave enough to jus- tify a tit-for-tat response. Raid Attack on persons and properties of another family, clan, village, tribe or foreign enemy in order to survive, sustain one’s fighting skills or avenge a wrong; if revenge does not motivate the

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Vahram Petrosian

the best-edu- cated people in the country and took high-ranking posts in virtually all spheres of life. A great lot of non-political Chaldean clubs mush- roomed all over the country. While the positive side of being apoliti- cal is quite obvious, there were also some serious losses. Assyro- Chaldeans

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Ara Papian

inhabitants, of whatever race or relig- ious belief they may be, in this stricken country, attempting to exercise also the A. Papian / Iran and the Caucasus 11 (2007) 255-294 264 strictest possible justice toward the populations, whether Turkish, Kurdish, Greek, or Armenian, living in the adjacent areas