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Herbert Kelman

My engagement with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict – both personal and professional – has deep roots in my life history. I was born into a Jewish family in Vienna in 1927. I was 11 years old at the time of Austria’s Anschluss to Nazi Germany. Soon after the Anschluss, my 13-year-old sister and I

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Assia Boutaleb

, to meet the same people in different activities, motivated by a desire to discuss and debate various topics. This marked, for some participants, the first step toward regular activism; on the other hand, greater self-consciousness, self-assertiveness, and outspokenness among the youth has become a

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Maya Kahanoff

. This interpretation provides a certain explanation for the lack of listening we found in most of the group conversations and for the struggle over speech as an expression of the struggle for life and death. Waiving speech and listening to the other in silence are experienced as helplessness, as

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Marinos Sariyannis

. Amasi, as revealed by his name, was a native of Amasya and came from a local family of scholars, Sufis, and officials, the Gümüşlüzade. Information on his life is very scarce; it seems that he was taken as a hostage to Shirvan by Timur, together with his uncle Pir İlyas Sücaeddin, the mufti of the city

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Deina Abdelkader

that is bent on living a glorious past (aka Salafists), it is rather a movement that is revolutionary/ progressive because it was able to distract from its indigenous culture a formula to address social justice. It was also able to transcend the control of the state over religious institutions and

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Roel Meijer

living below the poverty line declined from 70–75 to 40–45 per cent. 72 In Iraq, after the revolution of 1958 a similar social contract was implemented, although not directly with the trade unions. The special status of tribal lands was ended, taxes were imposed on tribal shaykhs , land reforms

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Rachel M. Scott

defined the jizya as a substitute for converting to Islam and for receiving protection from attacks by Muslims or others. 19 It could also mean re-numeration that unbelievers paid for a safe life, the right to stay in Islamic lands, the right to remain in their infidelity, and the right to the

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James Sater

Introduction Most political analysts and observers of Morocco’s political system agree that together with clientelism, political and economic patronage has been at the heart of Morocco’s post-independence political system. A common assertion would further maintain that the presence of patronage