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hostility which can motivate them to engage in deviant and criminal behaviours ( Stiles, Liu and Kaplan, 2000 : 64). Morenoff, Sampson and Raudenbush ( 2001 : 518) opined that neighborhood-level income inequality is a significant predictor of the neighbourhood crime rate. A sharp contrast between the rich

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

. Von Bertalanffy believed that all things, whether living or non-living, could be regarded as systems ( Joshua and Olanrewaju, 2016 , 61). It focuses attention on the whole system and also gives awareness to the relationships among its fundamental parts. On the basis of this, he drew a contrast between

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

1 Introduction Since formal education (schooling) is perceived as an instrument for the acquisition of appropriate skills for people to earn a living from and to contribute to the development of the society, every parent and nation is eager to key into it without reservations. Meanwhile

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms

standard of living. In the mineral rich North-Western province, the demand for increased political representation at national level as a way of increasing its stake in the mineral wealth generated from the area has become louder. They claim the central state exports the mineral wealth to other regions

In: Democracy and Electoral Politics in Zambia

as the improvement of the poor living conditions of South Africans ( Williams 2008 ). The national statistical representative survey conducted by Southern African Migration Project ( SAMP cited in Williams 2008 ) in 1997 reports that: 25% of South Africans wanted a total prohibition of

In: Africa’s Radicalisms and Conservatisms
Author: Chanda Mfula

a growing number of users in Zambia, and features that enable interactivity and networking, receiving and sharing content, posting comments on stories or dialoguing around particular content, Facebook’s place in the democratic life of the country is obvious. The long-standing concerns about media

In: Democracy and Electoral Politics in Zambia

we may better our quality of life, national production and therefore contribute to the realization of Good Living…a dignified life for all…one in which new levels of information will allow conscientious citizens to decide and collectively work towards Good Living … (Acta 075, 38–40). Eradication

In: Ecuador’s “Good Living”

Living in post-2008 Ecuador, social capital made life in indigenous communities the flagship asset from which a project determined on shaping the future could be achieved by rediscovering idealised notions of the past (Sánchez Parga 2011, 32). The Andean chapter of market-based civic virtue had struck

In: Ecuador’s “Good Living”

(first secretary of the circle committee). For ten cells in the Sabão and Tongogara neighbourhoods where an estimate could be made for the number of plots (for living) they contain, the average is about 60 plots, where each plot is more or less square with a side of about 25 meters. In 2010 all of Sabão

In: Nationalism and Territoriality in Barue and Mozambique

, life appears to be better. For instance, one of the respondents who had been in Zimbabwe for just over a month stated that: Life is better in Zimbabwe; in Mozambique there are no proper plans to enable vending activities to sustain a living. In Zimbabwe, life is better because I can even afford a

In: Regional Integration and Migration in Africa