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Author: Ido Koch

unknown factors that motivated local groups to ally themselves with these power centers. A hint of such a process is the increase in the local use of Egyptian amulets, substituting locally produced amulets. The main outcome here of note is that this practice was shared by both Egyptians and locals for

In: Colonial Encounters in Southwest Canaan during the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age

points of view and based on various theories in use. 4 In the history of research into emotions, 5 classical historians and philosophers (see below) have treated human emotional life as the expression of mind and body. In 1890, based on a study of facial expressions, Darwin proposed that human

In: The Expression of Emotions in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia

specific environment with flora, fauna, minerals, and human life represented, reinforce the documentary sense that the expedition leaders effectively reached a land different from any land in the ancient Egyptian imagination and expectation. However, notwithstanding the amount of details represented

In: Journal of Egyptian History
Author: Tero Alstola

, there are no material remains which can be linked to deportees living in Babylonia in the sixth and fifth centuries bce . 1262 When it comes to written sources, it is evident that a wealth of texts was produced in Babylonia during those two hundred years. Even the tiny portion that has come to us

Open Access
In: Judeans in Babylonia
Author: Ulrike Steinert

internal organs. Only some phrases are free of this ambiguity, such as the “pounding heart” ( libbu+nakādu/tarāku ), which is encountered as a physical sign of life and as an idiom for fear: Gilgamesh Epic VIII  58: he touched his heart ( libbu ), but (felt that) it was not

In: The Expression of Emotions in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia

where he is said to have planned to move northwards to Bosporus—the region where the Pontic king Mithridates had sought refuge a year earlier. The hostile attitude of the tribes living in the areas north of the Caucasus as well as the lack of harbours for the fleet to secure sufficient supplies, however

In: Rome and the Near Eastern Kingdoms and Principalities, 44-31 BC

them, what type of relationship Rome de facto (not formally) had with rulers and communities. 35 Cicero provides us in his De Officiis , composed in 44, with the earliest recorded case of this trope. It is employed in the context of a longer section aimed at demonstrating that fear as a motivating

In: Rome and the Near Eastern Kingdoms and Principalities, 44-31 BC

Judaeans living in Asia now hoped to see them re-affirmed. 22 However, as Smallwood has argued, it is equally conceivable that the φιλάνθρωπα relate to the grants given by the Senate on Antony’s and Dolabella’s initiative to the Judaeans in reply to requests made by a delegation sent to Rome on behalf of

In: Rome and the Near Eastern Kingdoms and Principalities, 44-31 BC
Author: Tero Alstola

Persian royalty were administered and their fields were cultivated. Despite the absence of Judeans, the presence of people with non-Akkadian names and the twin town of Hazatu suggest that groups of foreign origin were living in the villages surrounding the crown prince’s estate. 824 Second, there are a

Open Access
In: Judeans in Babylonia

Baghdad stands, like an Island, in the midst of a vast pestilent marsh”, as he wrote to Sir Stratford Canning on 6 November ( Add. MS . 38.943, f. 11r). Nevertheless Layard’s “old enemy, intermittent fever” did not completely restrict his enjoyment of Baghdad social life, as he reported to his friend Ross

In: The British Museum’s Excavations at Nineveh, 1846–1855