This chapter discusses the flowcharting process undertaken by classroom teachers to explain how they transfer professional learning into classroom practice as a type of visual literacy that utilised a combination of both textual and visual concepts to assign meaning and share understanding. The ability to create and interpret information from a multiplicity of visual sources is becoming a ‘survival skill’ in today’s schools in particular and society in general; a necessity for the visually literate consumer. This is an ability that is supported by the use of reflection and the capacity to engage in critical thinking. Visual literacy is the segue between these two aspects ‘…the ability to assign meaning to a visual field so it can be predictably interpreted’. Flowcharts, diagrams and graphic symbols have the ability to provide an alternate semiotic system through which a personal and complex narrative can be conveyed to the viewer in a more compressed and abstract form. ‘The diagram establishes itself as a democratising device and a conduit through which complex worlds can be described to the lay observer.’ Using the power of image and/or graphics in combination with text to form a flowchart demands higher order thinking skills to ensure the developers’ tacit knowledge is clear and accessible to the viewer.
The emergence of social software and the new perception of the Internet promise to enable decentralized actions, a range of possibilities to share and exchange information open and free of charge, to collaborate equally, and to foster intercultural understanding and participation. These new possibilities have the potential to lay the foundation for a new way of political participation and social movements to emerge, but there are also limits because of existing social structures and increasing commercialisation of the Internet. In this paper we discuss theoretical concepts that we currently state as characteristics of political activism and the Internet in general, and of social software in particular:  the foundation for community building,  the interrelation of the real and the virtual space,  digital divide and social inequalities, and  the influence of globalisation. The Internet provides the foundation for communities to emerge and to shape society, for both societal benefits, e.g. empowerment of citizens, ecological conservation, democratisation and participation, as well as negative consequences, e.g. social inequalities, imbalanced power structures, and digital divides. Based on these four concepts we outline recommendations for inclusive Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), i.e. possibilities social software theoretically offers for social movements, political activism, and participation.
American Transcendentalism represented a complex answer to the democratization of American life, the growth of science and technology, and a new kind of industrialism—to the whole question, in short, of the redefinition of the relationship between the individual and both nature and other individuals that was being demanded by the course of history. Although Hawthorne is widely considered a Dark Romantic, we claim that in ‘The Artist of the Beautiful’ he endorses American Transcendentalism by presenting an artist who embodies the quest for the self through the artistic process in a Transcendentalist experience of beauty, resisting the materialistic and utilitarian New England society in the first decades of the nineteenth century. The clocks in this short story constitute the metaphor of the machine as the artificial mechanism intended to regulate time in the world of individuals who, in their yearnings of material progress, have broken up their connection with nature: individuals who deny the spirit that guides the natural flow of time in connection with what is transcendental. Just as Owen Warland in ‘The Artist of the Beautiful’ contests a utilitarian society through his art, so does Hawthorne oppose modern trends and beliefs by turning his short story into an instrument of Transcendentalist resistance.
Since the widely publicized revitalization success story of the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao, local administrations, especially in post-industrial cities, have been scrambling to create their own flagship cultural projects: arts, public art, and signature architecture have been advocated as positive contributors to urban restructuring and regeneration. As a consequence of this cultural turn in urban regeneration, thousands of pages have been written to prove or falsify this common and widely-held belief. This article does not align itself with either point of view, but it addresses the role of flagship regeneration projects in radically rearticulating the meaning of place and space in the so-called post-industrial cities. Drawing from interviews conducted with experts, practitioners, artists, and administrators, in both Europe and in United States, the chapter suggests the existence of two approaches to iconic planning. The first deals with the physical regeneration of urban space and takes into account the implementation of flagship projects as a simple means of aesthetic enhancement, marketing, or property. The second deals with a number of potentially popular and democratizing tendencies which have developed in different forms of public, community-based cultural activity in the past decade or so and which have deeply contributed to the re-construction of the city as a place. As a final point, it comes to the conclusion that, more than ever, urban public space at the present moment turns into an arena of clash between private and public interests, on the one hand, and, on the other, a cross-point between official urban policy and the increasingly self-enlightened consciousness of the urbanites in a process of critical public debate.
, which revealed the unprecedented changes that had taken place on the terrain of politics. As the economic crisis deepened and the state remained largely unresponsive, the labour movement skilfully articulated the linkages between this crisis and the broader problems of democratisation. The consummation
-African democratisation has been characterised by the gradual hollowing out of options of state-led developmentalism that once sustained anticolonial resistance movements in the pre-1989 bipolar world – and the ANC itself for most of its history. 1 At the same time, South-African society remains characterised by
democratisation of international politics tends towards a ‘particular corporatism’ between managers and civil society groups, parallel to the deconstruction of state forms for the resolution of social questions. The rhetoric of gender mainstreaming as a ‘global consensus concept’ contradicts the meaninglessness
reaching the institutional changes required to reverse this ‘overburdening’ of the money mechanism might be. Presumably, workers’ self-management and the democratisation of the ‘public sphere’ are necessary conditions. In isolated passages, Habermas even talks of the ‘gradual abolition of the capitalist
-called ‘democratised’ economy. 79 Often at the forefront of popular resistance are the broad-based, rural campesino movements composed largely of small farmers and peasants. 80 Campesinos marched, blocked highways, and conducted sit-ins at government buildings in protest of social programme cutbacks, and in efforts to
‘drastic redistribution and democratization of resources and structures’ (p. 123), all made possible by the assertion of political will expressed through a strengthened national state: Those ‘from below’ and their organizations – whether from the labour movement born in the nineteenth century (parties