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Gregory Elliott

Abstract

In Considerations on Western Marxism, released in 1976, Perry Anderson stated and vindicated an affiliation to the Trotskyist tradition long apparent from the pages of New Left Review under his editorship. Central to this tradition, in its orthodox forms, was a historico-political perspective which regarded the Soviet Union (and cognate regimes) as ‘degenerate’ or ‘deformed’ ‘workers’ states’ – post-capitalist social formations whose complex character dictated rejection of Stalinism and anti-Sovietism alike. In Anderson's case, this orientation received a Deutscherite inflection: abroad, no less than at home, Soviet power was a contradictory phenomenon, by turns reactionary (Czechoslovakia) and progressive (Vietnam, Angola). The potential regeneration of the Russian Revolution and its sequels, whether via ‘proletarian revolution’ from below (Trotsky), or bureaucratic reformation from above (Deutscher), remained an article of faith among Marxists of this observance to the end. Accordingly, the debacle of Gorbachevite perestroika proved a profoundly disorientating experience for many who lent little or no credence to the mendacious claims of ‘actually existing socialism'. Amid capitalist euphoria at Communist collapse, what was to be said – and done? Anderson's displaced answer was forthcoming in 1992 in ‘The Ends of History’

Samuel Friedman

he used the set of ‘cultures’ described in the Human Relations Area Files 6 to test a number of hypotheses derived from this perspective, and generally found statistical confirmation for the predicted relationships. In Religion and Regime: A Sociological Account of the Reformation , 7 he used pre-Reformation

Jim Holstun

, as thousands of campmen – peasants, tradesmen, and artisans fired by Reformation theology and commonwealth ideology – conducted an orderly mass strike against local agrarian capitalists and the Norwich city fathers. 7 In these risings, the moral economy of anticapitalist English agriculture assembled

Maïa Pal

1967 work Reformation to Industrial Revolution , Wood writes that Hill ‘suggested that it [England] was a bourgeois revolution in a different sense – not that it was the expression of a class struggle between a rising capitalist class and a declining aristocracy, since there was no such clear class

Michael Löwy

thinks, but an essentially religious phenomenon – would take us today into the meanders of a boundless universal polemic’. Further on, the same idea appears again, in a somewhat attenuated form, in fact closer to the Weberian argument: ‘Christianity, at the time of the Reformation, did not favour the

Henry Heller

Lutheran clergy, the former re-invigorated by the Counter-Reformation, likewise nourished itself by cultivating traditionalism’ (p. 171). However, Lemarchand might have pointed out that this insistence on religious tradition in fact represented something new, i.e., an active policy of confessionalisation

ʻHow Bourgeois Were the Bourgeois Revolutions?ʼ

Remarks on Neil Davidson’s Book

Heide Gerstenberger

legalisation of the practices of domination. At the same time, the Reformation had not only changed practices of religious belief but had also contributed to the critique of the personal ownership of competences of domination. I have suggested summarising these elements under the term ancien régime , 24

Marcus Green and Peter Ives

reformation of common sense by employing the position that all humans are philosophers; on the other hand, as an exposition. . . . which Tosel explains by quoting Gramsci more of the English resonance of ‘common sense’ as good practical judgement. See editor’s note in Gramsci 1971, p. 323, fn. 1. 9. See

Jan Rehmann

this with Gramsci’s contrast between the popular-democratic Reformation and the Renaissance, which Gramsci described as distanced from popular culture, and conclude that Nietzsche’s early approach contains something of a rightwing Gramscianism avant la lettre – an attitude that fi nds a precarious and

Kevin Murphy

nowadays write the history of the Protestant Reformation.’ 11 Th is analogy with the Reformation, it seems to me, is quite faulty. Here, Hobsbawm has underestimated the driving forces behind the standard academic interpretations of the Russian Revolution and the extent to which the Marxist interpretation