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Abstract

In 2014, for the first time in the history of the Union, Member States had to take into account the European elections’ results in the nomination of the President of the European Commission. The procedure limited the European Council’s leverage in negotiating the nomination of the future head of the Commission and created new opportunities for unification and personalization of the European electoral race. Several months prior to the elections, the European party families pointed to potential leaders of the Commission. The nominees for this non-elective position announced however they would be running for the office and would conduct electoral campaigns in all the European democracies. The party-driven strategy challenged the canonical views on the European Commission’s technocratic profile, but at the same time, had the potential to foster meaningful mechanisms of representation. However, in 2019, once the elections were over, most mainstream Europarties, with the assistance of some prominent members of the Council, rapidly abandoned the system altogether. The chapter analyzes the recent failure of the lead-candidate procedure and identifies the Europarties’ process of party adaptation (shaped through party regulations) as a potential cause for such U-turn in the EU politics. The argument comprises two parts. The first part focuses on the 2019 ep elections from the perspective of the Spitzenkandidaten selection process as an intra-party experience. It shows that, despite the fact that the main European party families rapidly embraced highly proceduralized mechanisms of recruitment, candidate selection for the ec’s Presidency had relied on exclusiveness and centralization, favoring pre-existing elite networks at supranational level. The second part aims at deconstructing the Europarties’ organizational features and patterns of party finance, highlighting the accelerated path to bureaucratization and supranational decoupling from national-level politics.

In: 2019 European Elections

the European Council and the European Parliament, which suggest the need to rethink the decision-making mechanisms within the EU. The second chapter, The Demise of the Spitzenkandidaten System: Decline of EU Democratization or (Euro)party Process of Adaptation? , focuses on the abandonment of the

In: 2019 European Elections
Author: Alexandru Radu

used for the designation of national mp s. It is, in fact, an adaptation of it. We consider, first of all, the vote on blocked lists. As is well known, this voting system does not allow the voter to change the order of the candidates from the list. At the same time, blocked lists generally give

In: 2019 European Elections
Author: Sergiu Mișcoiu

-year experience of political combat from an anti-system position but also of adaptation to the inflections of the popular demands gave Marine Le Pen the opportunity to wisely speculate the yv momentum in a rather unapparent way – by addressing most yv claims in a parallel discursively structured manner – and

In: 2019 European Elections

the future. Managers might instead rely on lines of credit, trade credit, investment accounts, and secured borrowings rather than build up a traditional operating reserve. Nevertheless, these substitutes for reserves help explain the lack of reserves in the sector, and display management adaptation to

In: Nonprofit Finance: A Synthetic Review

analysis of long-term economic growth and its relationship with poverty and inequality. They advanced the intuitively appealing idea that early developers create technologies which others can learn, purchase or steal. Since the adaptation of new methods of production is likely to be cheaper than their

In: Growth and Change in Neoliberal Capitalism

adaptations, to the achievement of democratic and distributive economic outcomes in many poor countries. This can be done optimally through a combination of rapid, sustainable and employment-intensive growth, and the distribution of income and assets. The next section summarises the principles of the pro

In: Growth and Change in Neoliberal Capitalism

High Commissioner on National Minorities, OSCE; education: Univ. of Trieste, Law; professional career: career diplomat; Head of Disarmament, Arms Control and Cooperative Security at NATO, 1991-97; Chair., negotiations on the adaptation of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, 1997

A multilateral financing organisation. Its aims is to address the mitigation of climate change and support the adaptation to climate change, providing grants to climate change related interventions in low income developing countries. NDF is the joint development finance institution of the Nordic

The EU Party Democracy and the Challenge of National Populism
Volume Editors: Radu Carp and Cristina Matiuța
This volume aims to provide consolidated analyses of the 2019 European elections and explanations about the future of the European party system, in a context in which the EU has to face many challenges, including the erosion of electoral support for mainstream parties and the increasing success of populist parties. The structure of the book is designed to combine the overall view on the role of elections in shaping the future European project with relevant case studies.

The reader is given a perspective not only on the results of the European Parliament elections as such, but also on how these results are related to national trends which pre-exist and what kind of collateral effects on the quality of democracy they could have.

Contributors include: Jan Bíba, Sorin Bocancea, Dóra Bókay, Radu Carp, József Dúró, Tomáš Dvořák, Alexandra Alina Iancu, Ruxandra Ivan, Petra Jankovská, Małgorzata Madej, Cristina Matiuța, Sergiu Mișcoiu, Valentin Naumescu, Gianluca Piccolino, Leonardo Puleo, Alexandru Radu, Mihai Sebe, Sorina Soare, Tobias Spöri, Jeremias Stadlmair, Martin Štefek, Piotr Sula, and Jaroslav Ušiak.