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Katarina Tomaševski

This volume maps out the response of states to human rights violations. It covers the period 1946-1999 and offers a complete and unmatched record for this period. Its starting point is that such responses are not established and accepted state practice. Traditional, if unwritten, norms of states' behaviour developed through centuries of silence and inaction; the prevalent reaction to human rights violations by another state remains the absence of any response. Furthermore, this book probes into evidence of active and passive complicity by reviewing aid to countries in which violations have been taking place and diplomatic initiatives undertaken to shield violators from public opprobrium. Since international law is generated through state practice, the book highlights the ongoing tussle between the pre-1946 heritage of silence and inaction and the 1946-1999 haphazard pattern of responses to violations.

, City University of New York. He has published Weimar Germany: Promise and Tragedy (2007), A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (2003), and Creating German Communism, 1890-1990: From Popular Protests to Socialist State (1997), all with Princeton University Press. He also edits a book

always, have played an important role and there have been many evil players thriving in the cli- mate of Communism and in the ab- sence of democracy. We delude our- selves, however, if we focus too long on any one of these many factors. Scapegoating and buck passing have become a particularly

Benjamin Barber, Gershon and Carol Kekst

failures already in place prior to the events that transpired starting in 1991 and 1992 in the Balkans. We can talk about the failure of Communism, which played a considerable role. In a larger sense, the failure of the Soviet Empire had a large impact on events. Then there was the failure of the Yugoslav

Richard Jones and Tamara Duffey

and Introduction The potential for regional organisa- tions to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security during the Cold War was paralysed by the ideological rivalry between the superpowers. Following the collapse of communism, the policy of ideo- logical containment was

Xenia Avezov

alliances with the USA or the Soviet Union. After the Organization of American States (OAS) was tainted by the 1965 US invasion of the Dominican Republic and its institutional ideological connotation of ‘countering Communism’, participation in peace operations went hand in hand with the creation of new and

BRYNJAR LIA

uncertainties produced by the collapse of communism, the traditional focus of Western threat scenarios. Moreover, in the Gulf War, stereotypes of Muslim extremists were coupled with Western political concerns about unstable, anti-Western and unpredictable Third World regional powers. In the aftermath of that

A Challenging Ménage à Trois?

Tripartism in the International Labour Organization

Claire La Hovary

of association), or Employer and Worker delegates under communism (when private employers were non-existent and the State represented the interests of workers). 76 Difficulties also arose with the huge membership increase following decolonization, as many Employers and Workers’ representatives were

Snezana Trifunovska

United Nations, UN Doc. A/50/60 [S/1995/1] of 3 January 1995, para. 26. 4 UN Doc. S/24923, paras. 7-10. 5 Stephen E. Palmer, Jr. and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question, Archon Books, 1971. 1. 6internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organi- zation - Democratic Party for the National

Thailand’s Participation in un Peacekeeping Missions

The Reciprocal Transference of Expertise and Norms

Keokam Kraisoraphong and Brendan Howe

people, and for this, primarily political measures were required”. 40 This basically meant military actions must aim to support political actions and objectives. Over time, this line of thinking further evolved into an added dimension – the use of democracy to fight communism. This involved the