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distracted attention from other equally, if not more, important components of the eu ’s external action. It may also have ignored some of the key characteristics of the eu system of diplomacy, which, in parallel to the broader field of ‘European foreign policy’, displays important elements of hybridity. 2

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy

, commission or patronage from the Russian government. This analysis situates the subject of cultural diplomacy beyond the traditional ‘state versus non-state’ dichotomy and exemplifies a case of so-called ‘hybrid’ 6 or ‘track one and a half’ diplomacy. 7 While ‘track one’ diplomacy is about traditional

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy
The book analyses the administrative system in the European Union with a focus on the efficiency and legitimacy of the administrative practices. The administrative system of the European Union is described as a hybrid between a traditional national and an international administration. In the analysis three distinct theoretical perspectives are used (a structural, a procedural and a cultural), thus ensuring that a broad variety of factors are included. Furthermore, in the analysis the administration is seen from the perspective of an individual Eurocrat, but, simultaneously, the overall institutional perspective is maintained by a focus on the effects of the special characteristics of the administrative practices on the efficiency and legitimacy of the administration.
Diplomacy is no longer restricted to a single vocation nor implemented exclusively through interaction amongst official representatives. In exploring the challenges that these transformations produce, this work surveys firstly, the genealogy of diplomacy as a profession, tracing how it changed from a civic duty into a vocation requiring training and the acquisition of specific knowledge and skills. Secondly, using the lens of the sociology of professions, the development of diplomacy as a distinctive profession is examined, including its importance for the consolidation of the power of modern nation-states. Thirdly, it examines how the landscape of professional diplomacy is being diversified and, we argue, enriched by a series of non-state actors, with their corresponding professionals, transforming the phenomenology of contemporary diplomacy. Rather than seeing this pluralization of diplomatic actors in negative terms as the deprofessionalization of diplomacy, we frame these trends as transprofessionalization, that is, as a productive development that reflects the expanded diplomatic space and the intensified pace of global interconnections and networks, and the new possibilities they unleash for practising diplomacy in different milieus.
Author: Nick Sagos
States of emergency are declared by governments with alarming frequency. When they are declared, it is taken for granted that their nature is understood. This book argues against this established view. Instead, the view advanced here analyzes what makes emergencies different from other types of similar events. Defending a hybrid liberal/republican approach, the book proposes that states of emergency are in fact poorly understood and therefore needlessly mismanaged when they occur. This mismanagement leads to a troubling derogation of established liberal democratic rights in the name of an unattainable form of hollow security. Further, the book argues that the existing rights of citizens ought to be defended (and not simply derogated) during states of emergency. Failure to do so is failure to comply with the formal values of liberal democracy
itself.
Volume Editors: Mehdi Amineh and Guang YANG
Since the conclusion of the 1985 trade and cooperation agreement between the European Community and China, a new political dynamic has been set in motion between two emerging entities: industrializing China and integrating Europe. It is reflected in, among others, European Commission policy strategy papers and, probably more importantly, in numerous sectoral dialogues and agreements. Europe has become China’s largest export destination. For the E.U., China has become its second largest trading partner and its most important source of imports.
The book edited by Mehdi Parvizi Amineh and Yang Guang studies the fueling of this Eurasian production and trading system. This is the policy area of energy supplies and energy security. Cooperation on the basis of complementarity is rather easy. Cooperation in the competition for access to, and share in, non-renewable stocks of oil and gas is more challenging. This book studies a series of bilateral energy relations (Part One) in a global-level, geo-political framework. Policy outcomes in bilateral relations are impacted by multi-lateral networks. Part Two surveys the quest for renewable energy, which is the core of supply security. China has created the largest solar panel production facility. It is capable of producing light-weight magnets used in, among others, wind-power generators and hybrid car engines. This year China is expected to overtake the U.S. as the largest producer of wind turbines. China’s step-by-step reduction of the gap in wealth and power with countries that overran it in the past has so far been remarkably peaceful. We know in both Europe and China all too well that trend-driven change in capability ratios between great powers does not by necessity harmonize well with leadership responses to it. By charting the domain of the energy competition, this book marks an important contribution to the rationalization of energy policy as an area of competitive cooperation.
— Henk Houweling, Instructor at the Europe Institute of the University of Macao

Contributors are Mehdi Parvizi Amineh, Robert M. Cutler, Chen Mo, Eva Patricia Rakel, Daniel Scholten, Philip Sen, Raquel Shaoul, Frank Umbach, Eduard B. Vermeer, Shi Dan, and Yang Guang.

and civil liberties were strongly challenged by new types of authoritarianism and hybrid regimes ( Diamond et al. 2016 ). Meanwhile, the increasingly globalised and interdependent world was marked by a growing diversification of players, aiming to take advantage of the new opportunities offered by

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China

as a whole (particularly since the eighteenth century) has transformed the Russian state into a sort of hybrid with a variety of self-identities, which encompass a strong attractive European identification as well as rejections. From the economic point of view, both Russia and China have suffered

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China
Author: Marco Puleri

all, the ethno-federal structure inherited by the Russian Federation 4 and the legacy of the Soviet ethno-political discourse. 5 Accordingly, only in recent years has a new hybrid “Russian idea” come to be defined. It responds to the need to make the current political system

In: Rekindling the Strong State in Russia and China