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José M. Aricó

In a work centred on Marx's harsh biography of Simón Bolívar, José Aricó examines why Latin America was apparently 'excluded' from Marx's thought, challenging the allegation that this expressed some 'Eurocentric' prejudice.
Aricó shows how the German thinker's hostility towards the Bonapartism and authoritarianism he identified in the Liberator coloured his attitude towards the continent and the significance of its independence-processes.
Whilst criticising Marx's misreading of Latin-American realities, Aricó demonstrates contemporaneous, countervailing tendencies in Marx's thought, including his appraisal of the revolutionary potentialities of other 'peripheral' extra-European societies. As such, Aricó convincingly argues that Marx's work was not a dogma of linear 'progress', but a living, contradictory body of thought constantly in development.

English translation of the Marx y América Latina edition, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2010.

Plebeian Power

Collective Action and Indigenous, Working-Class and Popular Identities in Bolivia

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Álvaro García Linera

In addition to his role as Evo Morales’s vice-president, Álvaro García Linera is one of Bolivia’s foremost intellectuals. With a theoretical trajectory beginning in efforts to combine Marxism and Indianism, then developed in reaction to the neoliberal turn of the 1980s and in contact with the mass social movements of recent years, García Linera's Plebeian Power can be read as both an evolving analysis of Bolivian reality through periods of great social change, and as an intellectual biography of the author himself. Informed by such thinkers as Marx, Bourdieu and René Zavaleta, García Linera reflects on the nature of the state, class and indigenous identity and their relevance to social struggles in Bolivia.

English translation of La potencia plebeya: Acción colectiva e identidades indígenas, obreras y populares en Bolivia published by Siglo del Hombre Editores and CLASCO in 2007.

Series:

Steve J. Shone

someone who does a completely different type of research. This situation has not been helped by the subfield’s persistence in presenting the history of ideas largely through the prism of a very small selection of white men chiefly from Athens, Rome, the United Kingdom, or the United States, a cast of

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Eugene Gogol

Utopia and the Dialectic in Latin American Liberation begins by examining the concept of utopia in Latin American thought, particularly its roots within indigenous emancipatory practice, and suggests that within this concept of utopia can be found a resonance with the dialectic of negativity that Hegel developed under the impact of the French Revolution, further developed by such thinker-activists as Marx, Lenin and Raya Dunayevskaya. From this theoretical-philosophical plane, the study moves to the liberation practices of social movements in recent Latin American history. Movements such as the Zapatistas in Mexico, Indigenous feminism throughout the Americas, and Indigenous struggles in Bolivia and Colombia, are among those taken up--most often in the words of the participants. The study concludes by discussing a dialectic of philosophy and organization in the context of Latin American liberation.

The Postcolonial Orient

The Politics of Difference and the Project of Provincialising Europe

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Vasant Kaiwar

In The Postcolonial Orient, Vasant Kaiwar presents a far-reaching analysis of the political, economic, and ideological cross-currents that have shaped and informed postcolonial studies preceding and following the 1989 moment of world history. The valences of the ‘post’ in postcolonialism are unfolded via some key historical-political postcolonial texts showing, inter alia, that they are replete with elements of Romantic Orientalism and the Oriental Renaissance. Kaiwar mobilises a critical body of classical and contemporary Marxism to demonstrate that far richer understandings of ‘Europe’ not to mention ‘colonialism’, ‘modernity’ and ‘difference’ are possible than with a postcolonialism captive to phenomenological-existentialism and post-structuralism, concluding that a narrative so enriched is indispensable for a transformative non-Eurocentric internationalism.

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Steve J. Shone

, “Elizabeth Cady who?” None knew of the 1848 Seneca Convention or the Declaration of Sentiments; none knew about the National Woman Suffrage Association or the proposed 16th Amendment to grant women the right to vote first presented to Congress in 1878. None knew about The Woman’s Bible or Stanton’s great

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Steve J. Shone

personally familiar with them, visited their office and reported the event for her publication, The Revolution , commenting that “[t]he advent of this woman firm in Wall Street marks a new era” ( Anthony 1870 , 154). Anthony’s present lack of acquaintance with the women who would later come to be seen by

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Steve J. Shone

Tennie, which is why in the present book she has her own chapter, MacPherson, in claiming “first time” status forgets about Brough’s The Vixens , though it is included in her bibliography (2014, 329); moreover, no one has really reduced Tennie to a footnote – that is an exaggeration and, in fairness to

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Steve J. Shone

Woodhull and Claflin’s Weekly , the organ of sisters and fellow free-love advocates Victoria C. Woodhull and Tennie C. Claflin, the subjects of earlier chapters. Waisbrooker also wrote short books and pamphlets in which she presented many of her political ideas, some of which took the form of novellas, one