In this chapter I present the two strategies for negation present in the Ehe-Khenim dialect of the Kurripako-Baniwa continuum. After a brief background of the language and its speakers, I provide examples collected in the field of the various strategies, and describe their similarities and differences, in order to provide more data on this under-described and endangered language. One strategy employs the negative marker khenim and its contraction khen and the other involves the commonly-found privative Arawak morphological marker ma-. The negative marker khenim is used for most verbs and for clause linking construcions. It is positioned preverbally and focused elements antecede it. It attracts most tense and aspect markers when in clause linking constructions. The privative marker is used for stative verbs and for prohibitives, though stative verbs may also be negated with the negative marker khenim.
This chapter describes forms of negation in Wauja, an Arawak language spoken in the Upper Xingu region of the Xingu Indigenous Park in Brazil. In this chapter I document some common formal negation strategies in Wauja. I analyze standard negation of main clauses using the Wauja negative element aitsa. I describe Wauja standard negation as relatively symmetrical in that there is very little structural difference between declarative sentences that assert propositions and their negated counterparts besides the addition of the negative element. This contrasts with data from other Arawak languages that show how negation interacts in complex ways with Tense-Aspect-Mood (TAM) categories in relatively asymmetrical ways. I discuss forms of nonstandard negation in Wauja that employ morphologically complex forms. I present examples of morphological derivations from the negative element aitsa that add epistemic and emphatic meanings, and accomplish conditional and deontic negation. I also examine constituent negation utilizing the privative morpheme ma-, commonly found in Arawak languages. I analyze another form of nonstandard negation, existential negation, as employing a morphological variant of privative ma-. My data are drawn from elicited and naturally occurring discourse contexts.
The chapter by Rose draws a sketch of negation in Mojeño Trinitario, an underdescribed South Arawak language spoken in Amazonian Bolivia, and discusses its interaction with irrealis. It starts with presenting the different negation markers and constructions used for each negation type: sentential negation (including the expression of apprehensive, and negation in subordinate clauses), free form answer, constituent negation, existential negation, negative indefinites and privative derivation. The paper then discusses the most interesting point in the expression of negation in Mojeño Trinitario, i.e. its interaction with irrealis. First, irrealis marking is obligatory both in sentential negation and in existential negation. Second, standard negation induces a realis/irrealis coding that is distinct from that occurring in affirmative clauses. This paper argues that standard negation is of the constructional asymmetric type: a negative clause is asymmetric with a corresponding positive clause, on the basis of obligatory irrealis marking and the placement of some TAM and discourse markers on the negative word. In the end, it points to how the encoding of the irrealis may be complex in the languages where the irrealis category covers a wide range of meanings including negation, since irrealis encoding is then redundant with negation encoding.