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History of Transnational Voluntary Associations

A Critical Multidisciplinary Review

Series:

Thomas R. Davies

Davies’ review explores the history of transnational voluntary associations, commencing with general patterns before proceeding to cover the history of different sectors in turn, including humanitarianism, science, education, environment, feminism, race, health, human rights, labour, business, standards, professions, culture, peace, religion, and youth. Coverage extends from the late eighteenth century through to the early twenty-first century and spans histories of particular organizations and of particular campaigns in addition to the evolution of broader transnational social movements. Contrasting perspectives on historical evolution are considered, including both linear and cyclical interpretations. The factors underpinning historical changes are explored, including economic, environmental, political, scientific and social developments. Insights are drawn not only from a transnational historical perspective, but also the many other disciplines that shed light on the subject, such as world sociology. The review also incorporates perspectives from international relations, development studies, peace studies, voluntary sector studies, and women’s studies. It argues that the historical evolution of transnational voluntary associations is longer, less Western in origin and more cyclical than traditionally assumed.

Series:

David Horton Smith

Published research in English is reviewed on the Nonprofit Sector (NPS) in mainland China since Mao’s death in 1976. A large, diverse, and rapidly growing NPS exists, but openly political Nonprofit Organizations (NPOs) outside the Communist Party and its control are prohibited. China has civil society in the narrower sense: a substantial civil society sector or NPS exists. However, the party-state in China continues to play a dominating role in regard to the NPS, especially for registered NPOs. Freedom of association is still limited in China, especially for national associations, which are nearly all Government Organized Nongovernmental Organizations (GONGOs), not genuine NGOs/NPOs. The broader scope definition of civil society focuses on functioning civil liberties, and the ability of NPOs in general to influence significantly the government on various policy issues. In these terms, China has a weak but slowly emerging civil society with far more associational freedom than under Mao.

Series:

Luo Zhitian and Mei Chun

Translator Lane J. Harris

). The relationship between the state and the people, then, also had to be redefined. The Rise of ‘Society’ in the Changing Relationship between the State and the People In the midst of the transformations of state and society, the Chinese people also faced the transformation from subject to citizen, one

Series:

Luo Zhitian and Mei Chun

Translator Lane J. Harris

the past several hundred years” for this problem, which could not “be uprooted and solved” overnight. 46 The truth was probably not that simple. Ancient China had the phrase, “if there are distant subjects who do not submit, you can attract them by cultivating refinement and virtue.” 47 “Refinement

Series:

Luo Zhitian and Mei Chun

Translator Lane J. Harris

and son, the righteousness between emperor and subject, the differentiation between husband and wife, the order between old and young, and the fidelity between friends. Many rebels were thus cultivated. Within ten years, they returned and occupied key posts in the government. When it reached the third

Series:

Luo Zhitian and Mei Chun

Translator Lane J. Harris

alter our opinion on the subject as it is for them to alter theirs. 10 The first step in the culture war between China and the West, then, was to prove the superiority of your own culture by changing the mindset of the other culture, something Westerners were more inclined to perfect. Chinese scholars

Series:

Per-Erik Nilsson

foreclosure as an absolute denial of the symbolic, making any sort of subject- representation impossible. 3 Another case in point is the Council of State’s decision to refuse the Algerian descendent Mustafa Naimi citizenship due to his “hostility” to republican values such as secularism, but also to

Series:

Per-Erik Nilsson

secularism, which resulted in the legitimization of illiberal political practices and an extraordinary treatment of the Muslim-other. This was achieved by a selective distribution of rights and freedoms through the construction of meaningful and worthless political subjects. If the Muslim woman did not want

Series:

Per-Erik Nilsson

mode of identity) was articulated and practiced, and the kinds of subjects that needed to be fashioned for secularism to function. The main argument of the chapter is that the state of emergency articulated by the discourse about the Muslim-other legitimized a state of exception—an exceptional and

Series:

Per-Erik Nilsson

republican discourse on secularism, but it also became a discourse in its own right. The analysis here focuses on the different discursive techniques in play when producing otherness and how these techniques of othering worked to produce a subject to govern. Here I show how the Muslim-other was construed as