Dagmar C. G. Lorenz
Continuities, Reorientations, and Collaborations in Exile
Edited by Helga Schreckenberger
Contributors are: Dieter Adolph, Jacob Boas, Margit Franz, Katherine Holland, Birgit Maier-Katkin Leonie Marx, Wolfgang Mieder, Thomas Schneider, Helga Schreckenberger, Swen Steinberg, Karina von Tippelskirch, Jörg Thunecke, Jacqueline Vansant, and Veronika Zwerger
Grant W. Grams
Louis Hamilton (1879–1948) was a British national that had a remarkable career lecturing in Germany during the Kaiser Reich (1871 to 1918), Weimar Republic (1919–1933), and the early stages of the Nazi era (1933–1945). Between the two world wars academics in Europe, North America, private
Edited by Helen Roche and Kyriakos N. Demetriou
The memory of the past is a powerful tool to justify policy and create consensus, and, under the Fascist and Nazi regimes, the legacy of classical antiquity was often evoked to promote thorough transformations of Italian and German culture, society, and even landscape. At the same time, the classical past was constantly recreated to fit the ideology of each regime.
Historical Strands in the Interpretation of Italian and German Racism Conventional historical wisdom has long viewed racism as a point of distinction between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. 1 Particularly in the decades immediately following the war, scholars identified racism and anti
Constantin Iordachi and Ottmar Traşcă
reorganization of Europe harbored by Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany and partially implemented during the Second World War have received limited attention. More recently, new works on the wartime history of the continent pointed out that the experiment of the Nazi Neuordnung Europas [New Order] was ‘crucial to
Robert P. Ericksen
In 1992, Christopher R. Browning provided us with a new term, “ordinary men,” and a powerful concept about the willingness of those ordinary men to participate in the heinous crimes of the Nazi state. For nearly half a century after the collapse of Nazi Germany, scholars in Europe and North America
Even today, almost 70 years after the political end of National Socialism, there are numerous myths being woven around Adolf Hitler and the Nazi regime. The most stubborn is that he abolished unemployment. Work was indeed decisive in Nazi Germany: it helped Hitler’s political rise and that of his Nazi Party; it supported the war, brought economic gains, upheld the Nazi state and could save and destroy lives. After the campaign issues of ‘work’ and ‘unemployment’ which made Hitler and his party popular among the population and ultimately contributed to the seizure of power, the Nazi regime established the Arbeitsschlacht (labour battle), where numerous jobs were created which eventually led to full employment and a labour shortage. To compensate the shortage of workers during the war, in addition to German citizens like women and the youth, inmates from concentration camps, prisoners of war and civilian foreign workers were deployed. Therefore by the period of National Socialism, some 20 million people from across Europe had to perform forced labour for the Reich, its businesses, its economy and its war. The Nazi state would not have lasted for as long as it did without this deployment of the various forms of forced labour. Prisoners’ capacity to work often decided their fate, as the Nazi regime considered those unable to work to be useless consumers of food and thus without purpose in the system. Although the motto of almost all concentration camps and ghettos was ‘Arbeit macht frei’ (work sets you free), in fact what occurred was ‘extermination through labour’. The prisoners were supposed to make a profit for the German economy and thereby work themselves to death. This was an efficient method of killing in the eyes of those in power. These various meanings of work within National Socialism will be presented chronologically.