into stark relief in early 2017 when media reports surfaced that the maternal grandfather of Chrystia Freeland, Canada’s then newly appointed foreign minister, had been the Editor-in-Chief of a newspaper in Nazi-occupied Poland that had published anti-Semitic articles. The timing of the media reports
strategies of Hitler and Trump; examines how some groups are more vulnerable to and susceptible to affective communication used by fascists; examines parallels between pre-NaziGermany’s “armored males” and the “alpha males” echoing Trump’s messages; and, delineates how to confront such aspirational fascism
’. 43 In diplomatic theory, ‘moral integrity’ 44 and ‘good moral character’ 45 have traditionally been described as essential qualities. Yet it appears that the content and nature of such morality claims have not been examined in great depth. Paul Seabury’s study of German diplomats during the Nazi
1914 and was naturalised as a French citizen in 1935; Stéphane Hessel, the son of a German anti-Nazi writer and translator, was born German in 1917 and naturalised French in 1937. During the Cold War, the Quai d’Orsay recruited several sons and daughters of Russian and East European émigrés in France
following Gallipoli campaign; fought on Western Front; returned to the Conservative Party; Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1924-29; lost seat in 1929; warned against appeasement of NaziGermany; following resig...
Law in West German Democracy relates the history of the Federal Republic of Germany as seen through a series of significant trials conducted between 1947 and 2017, explaining how these trials came to take place, the legal issues which they raised, and their importance to the development of democracy in a country slowly emerging from a murderous and criminal régime. It thus illustrates the central issues of the new republic. If, as a Minister for Justice once remarked, crime can be seen as ‘the reverse image of any political system, the shadow cast by the social and economic structures of the day’, it is natural to use court cases to illuminate the eventful history of the Federal Republic’s first seventy years.
that Heidegger was openly hostile to the Nazi takeover: this is not a revolution achieved by a power already existing in the state or by a political party. The National Socialist revolution meant rather the radical upheaval [völlige Umw£lzung] of the whole of German existence, which also touches the
“everything that ought thus to withdraw it from reappropriation into a Nazi heritage (which is biologizing, racist, etc.) remains in essence equivocal,” the reason being that it is in the name of a “philosophy-of-life German idiom” that Fichte wants to save the German idiom from “the return of the dead one
after Hanoi had at least formally conceded to Germany’s wishes. Restarting coercion was not an option. Moreover, Germany had growing moral concerns, which restrained any further expansion of forced deportation. As Kuno Boese, a Member of the Berlin Parliament stated, referring to the Nazi era: ‘Forced
proto-German [ urgermanisch ] ethnic essence [ Stammeswesen ].” 28 In the context of an interpretation of Heraclitus’ fragment 44 concerning πόλεμος, Heidegger set about establishing his Nazi credentials with a radicality that exceeded Schmitt’s attempt to do the same. Heidegger embraced Schmitt