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  • Language Documentation & Description (Grammars) x

Jesse Stewart, Felicity Meakins, Cassandra Algy and Angelina Joshua

phonological interference in mixed languages. This paper adds to this literature with a perceptual study that explores a specific phonemic conflict site (a conflicting area of phonological convergence) involving stop voicing contrasts. Here, we provide a synchronic description of stop perception in three

Miriam Weidl

collaborate voiced speech acts. Starting with monolingual data, she then provides multilingual and multimodal examples in an attempt to bridge contexts and deliver insights into communication beyond language boundaries and calls attention to the lack of in-depth investigations in research so far. Da Milano

Afifa Eve Kheir

N/ARAB ,  DEM NEG N/HEB this not (a) book,  this not (a) book ‘this is not a book’ Similarly, in both languages, interrogative sentences are formed by changing the intonation and tone of the voice: hada ktāb?/ ARAB , ze sefer?/ HEB (this (a) book?) ‘Is this a book?’; hada miš ktāb

Agnieszka Brylak

’ appears with the reflexive prefix mo- , which turns it into an impersonal form, closely related to the passive voice. In (3) the subject is cequi , ‘some [people],’ and therefore ayac cannot be read as ‘nobody’. Finally, in (4) the Nahuatl expression for ‘unmarried’ [literally ‘not married’] is ayac

Isabel Deibel

(written “j” pronounced as [h]). Slashes indicate hesitations and truncated forms. Phonetic idiosyncracies such as raising of mid vowels or consonant voicing (e.g. /p/ as [b] and /s/ as [z]), though frequently found in responses, are not orthographically represented here. Video 1: A man is calling a little

Ian Smith

suggestion on the grounds that the Tamil constraint against initial voiced stops is not also transferred. The principle invoked here seems to be that phonological influence is an all-or-nothing affair. But such is not the case. Thomason, in connection with her admonition that common structural features “need

Remco Knooihuizen

h t h k]. In sonorant devoicing, a sonorant becomes voiceless when followed by a voiceless stop. Both stop preaspiration and sonorant devoicing are cases of regressive voicing assimilation, where the voicelessness of the stop spreads to the preceding vowel (for stop preaspiration, resulting in [ h

Sebastian Nordhoff

contact languages. One can of course invoke chance here, but one might as well acknowledge that there is an elephant in the room, and that those features together point more towards Sinhala influence than to chance alone. In defense of Tamil influence on the dental articulation of initial voiced

Isabelle Gaudy-Campbell

(F0) is a cue to distinguish ethnicity. Indo-Trinidadians are perceived as having high-pitched voices whereas Afro-Trinidadians are said to have low-pitched voices. Samples of both communities are modified and tested on listeners. It is thereby suggested that there exists an Indo

Sebastian Nordhoff

feature: dental onsets An additional feature, which is given less importance, is the change in Malay coronal stops. Malay varieties generally have two coronal stops, a voiceless dental stop /tʈ/ and a voiced alveolar stop /d/. There is thus an asymmetry. In SLM, this asymmetry is levelled out, with two