of himself as a moral subject, I asked if by “Chinese gentleman,” which he had hitherto said in English during our conversation, he meant the junzi 君子, the archetypal moral exemplar in Confucian texts. He replied: “Yes, a junzi , a gentleman, more internally,” and continued: Like in more ancient
This essay attempts to compare Kant’s better man and the Confucian junzi in the Zhongyong, and argues that Kant’s idea of the better man, which expresses human self-improvement in ultimate freedom, is in fact a conception very similar to that of the Confucian junzi, which denotes an ideal human being in cheng. Kant attributes the lack of emphasis on self-improvement in Western culture to the Christian conception of grace, and demonstrates the possibility of self-improvement on the ground of ultimate freedom. We may call this treatment “the Confucian solution” in Kant’s thought. My intention is to explicate the conceptual commonality between the better man and the junzi and demonstrate the Confucian element in Kant’s religious thought.
In Confucianism, junzi (translated as “gentleman” in the West) symbolizes all the virtues a great man is supposed to obtain over the life course. A junzi is as pure as water, as firm as a mountain, as humble as a child, as warm as jade, as accessible as air, as patient as moonlight, and as
only spanned both arts and science but included sports as well. Later on, these six arts formed the cornerstone of Confucian education with a key emphasis on being humane through moral education. Men who excelled in these six arts would be extolled as perfect gentlemen, or junzi (君子) in Chinese
This study explores a Buddhist response to the challenges facing Buddhism in the Song dynasty through an examination of the Buddhist literati-monk Zanning’s (919-1001) Da Song Seng shilue 大宋僧史略 (Topical Compendium of the Buddhist Clergy compiled in the Great Song dynasty, often also translated as Brief History of the Sangha). The work, written at the request of Song emperor Taizong (r. 976-997), argues for a legitimate role for Buddhism in China and active participation of Buddhist monks and institutions in the affairs of the Chinese state. The purpose of the Da Song Seng shilue was to inform the emperor and his officials of pertinent facts regarding Buddhism in China useful for the administration of the sangha, especially regarding the propagation of the Buddhist faith in China, and the institutional and social history of Buddhism and Buddhist institutions.
zishi huo zhi, yuanzhi qiqing, wuyou de ye 張自是惑之，願致其情，無由得也。) “… How could I have thought that once I had offered myself to you, I would not be able to bind the passion [with marriage]? I have the shame of having offered myself, yet can never now serve you openly as a wife.” ( Qiqi jijian junzi, er
By exploring Confucius’ attitude towards time, change, and transformation in the “Analects”, this paper aims to illustrate that temporality plays a crucial role in Confucian ethics. Confucius uses the notion of timeliness as an ethical guide in self-cultivation and moral practice in order to harmonize human beings with all the events of change. This paper argues that timely sagehood is a key quality of the junzi or “excellent person.” To be a timely sage, a junzi must cultivate the virtue of yi. This paper presents a conceptualization of “yi” in the “Analects” and proposes that its meanings limited to “righteousness” and “appropriateness” in the sense of morality, legitimacy and justice, include a sense of timeliness, namely, the quality of timely action and the inner intellectual capacity of a junzi to evaluate and work out the appropriate course of an action in an actual situation.
prevent their minds from being corrupted by the evil influence of their social environment. As all men have the potential for reaching moral perfection and becoming a "nobleman" (junzi), education is...
The different meanings of “courage” in The Analects were expressed in Confucius’ remark on Zilu’s bravery. The typological analysis of courage in Mencius and Xunzi focused on the shaping of the personalities of brave persons. “Great courage” and “superior courage”, as the virtues of “great men” or “shi junzi 士君子 (intellectuals with noble characters)”, exhibit not only the uprightness of the “internal sagacity”, but also the rich implications of the “external kingship”. The prototype of these brave persons could be said to be between Zengzi’s courage and King Wen’s courage. The discussion entered a new stage of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties, when admiration for “Yanzi’s great valor” became the key of various arguments. The order of “the three cardinal virtues” was also discussed because it concerned the relationship between “finished virtue” and “novice virtue”; hence, the virtue of courage became internalized as an essence of the internal virtuous life. At the turn of the 20th century, when China was trembling under the threat of foreign powers, intellectuals remodeled the tradition of courage by redefining “Confucius’ great valor”, as Liang Qichao did in representative fashion in his book Chinese Bushido. Hu Shi’s Lun Ru 论儒 (On Ru) was no more than a repetition of Liang’s opinion. In the theoretical structures of the modern Confucians, courage is hardly given a place. As one of the three cardinal virtues, bravery is but a concept. In a contemporary society where heroes and sages exist only in history books, do we need to talk about courage? How should it be discussed? These are questions which deserve our consideration.
重爲輕根，靜爲躁君。 是以君子 (1) 終日行不離輜重 (2)。雖有榮觀 (3)，燕處 (4) 超然。奈何萬乘之主 (5)，而以身輕天下 (6)？ 輕則失根 (7)，躁則失君。 Zhong 重 [heavy, weighty] is the gen 根 [root, foundation] for qing 轻 [light, frivolous], stillness is the ruler of rashness. This is why the junzi 君子 [gentleman, exemplary person] (1) travels all day