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that sense, the protest movement in Israel, which arose in July 2011, was clearly inspired by the Arab spring events (according to some of its leaders). The Israeli protest movement, or the ‘tent protest’ as it came to be known, shunned the complex issues of the post-1967 occupation and control of
In the wake of the Arab Spring, analysts and casual observers alike are wondering about the character of the activists who have brought down regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, and are threatening to do so in others. The popular media has painted these uprisings as youth revolutions, in which
make in the ensuing discussion and, equally important, what would be the most sensible way to develop that contribution? These questions were among the many issues we confronted when we began, perhaps precipitously, to collaborate in summer 2011 to explain the “Arab Spring.” With a bit of hubris
Islamists across the Middle East have contributed to the Arab Spring, pushing dictators and monarchs to either implement reform or give up power. Although youth remain the engine behind these demonstrations, Islamists often join their ranks as seasoned organizers with past protest experience
not, to what extent is it true? Was it true, for instance, in the case of the Arab Spring, a recent contemporary phenomenon of democratic sociopolitical and revolutionary movements that had tremendous effects on the Middle East and North Africa ( MENA )? Indeed, the Arab uprisings attracted much
incumbents can entrench their positions of power by limiting or distorting competition. Some are already questioning the durability of the Arab Spring as protracted conflict engulfs even the most promising of transitions. The purpose of this paper is to advance our understanding of these events by bringing
relevant to political attitudes in the post-Arab Spring environment, consider the following question that appears in both the World Values Survey and the Arab Barometer with a 5-point Likert scale for responses, ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree”: Closed-ended question: The government
The revolutionary wave of demonstrations and protests across the Arab world – known collectively as the Arab Spring – have ushered in a period of unprecedented change to the region. To what extent are non-Arab regional players relevant to this process? This essay considers two dimensions of the potential significance of Turkey to the events underway in the Arab world. Turkey has at times been invoked as a regionally appropriate example on which to model Arab democratization in a post-authoritarian context. This essay critically examines such claims, pointing out both the democratic deficits of the Turkish model and the intrinsic challenges of applying external models to indigenous democratization efforts. On the other hand, there is a second sense in which Turkey may have a role in the Arab Spring – namely, as an actor in its own right. With respect to this second dimension, this essay considers evolving Turkish policy towards the Arab world and examines the potential for Turkey to play a constructive role as a pro-democratic force in the region.
The revolutionary tide that swept the Arab world beginning in 2011 has been dubbed the “Arab Spring,” a misnomer that equates these events with European popular uprisings. Indeed, some commentators, influenced by Orientalism’s critique of cultural distinctiveness and thus ignoring cultural input in Middle Eastern politics, argued that in a world of social media, a new Middle Eastern democracy was about to take root. Yet in recent elections, secular democrats have proved to be an almost irrelevant political force in comparison to Islamists. This article discusses these developments in light of recent books analyzing the Arab Spring events. The books are reviewed through the prism of their discussion and recognition of the various components of Middle Eastern political culture.
undoubtedly an unchecked executive dominating the rest of the government and, through it, society itself’. 1 In this chapter I shall discuss the separation of powers and forms of government in North Africa and the Middle East following the ‘Arab Spring’ and argue that Feldman’s observation is still topical