In the decades following the split between Trotskyism and Stalinism there were just three countries in which organisations supporting Leon Trotsky could rival those loyal to Moscow in size or influence: Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Bolivia.
In the case of Bolivia socialist ideas first became
governments that were more critical of the neoliberal model led to a rethinking of science and technology policies in Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia. In our analysis, we focus on the case of Bolivia that represents one of the more radical shifts in this regard.
Changes in the
resources such as gas and mining reserves happen to be located on indigenous peoples’ lands. In the present piece, Bolivia is taken as an example to explain this particular controversy by means of a case-study that illustrates current power struggles over land, differing interests between an economic
Often referred to as the “pink tide” the political shift in Latin America is both opened by and opened to the actions of broad-based social movements: landless peasants and radical autoworkers in Brazil, indigenous movements in Bolivia and Ecuador, Bolivarian social missions in
With the election of the first indigenous president of Bolivia, Evo Morales, in December 2005, indigeneity has been at the centre of how the Bolivian government articulates its political project, which has sought to ‘refound’ the state through a process of decolonisation. In spite of the recognition to indigenous peoples that this implies, many indigenous movements contest the way he has done it. Using some concepts of discourse theory, this chapter examines the grounds of the indigenous critiques to the political used of the language of indigeneity in the process of refoundation of the Bolivian State, now conceived as plurinational. In this sense, it arises questions concerning political representation in a multicultural society; the role of indigeneity in developing democracy, and to what extent the recognition for so long claimed by indigenous peoples has increased or decreased their power. It is considered that the case of Bolivia can contribute to the debate of the relevance of culture in politics, and how it gives shape to political articulations in a diverse society. This chapter is a preliminary analysis of the data collected in the fieldwork conducted in Bolivia from March to June 2011.
Sooner or later, each society learns that to know itself is almost to overcome. René Zavaleta Mercado ∵ On 23 December 1984, at the age of 47, Bolivia’s greatest political theorist René Zavaleta Mercado died of brain cancer in Mexico City. His wife had rushed him from La Paz back to Mexico in order
-dichotomising reading of the familiar binaries of civil society / state and domination/hegemony, namely the integral state, and then specifically Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s appropriation of this concept in his inaugural address following Evo Morales’s re-election in 2009, as productive misreadings
broader temporal and epistemic horizon. Here I want to consider the elements of history and structure in a particular series of moments in the thought of René Zavaleta. Zavaleta focused his thought on the history of Bolivia, but as part of the history of Latin America and the world in modernity, while
Three and a half decades since his early death, the brilliance of René Zavaleta’s political theory and historical sociology is finally beginning to be properly registered in Latin American countries outside of his Bolivian homeland, where his intellectual stature has long been monumental. The