research was preoccupied with destination countries. By drawing from the contributions to this Issue and the literature on normdiffusion, we argue that migrants have the potential to act as norm entrepreneurs and as agents of democratisation. The article maps out three avenues of normdiffusion: Migration
the processes and mechanisms of the spread of norms, focusing on issues of contestation and agency. Hence, new insights into the outcome of normdiffusion have emerged, which hold that new norms are seldom adopted wholesale but are localized and translated to fit the context and need of the norm
first-time migrants heading for that destination. 1 Keywords Migration, development, democratisation, normdiffusion, transnationalism, political re- mittances. 1) The article is based on the findings of the research project 'Democratisation through Migration?' conducted between 2005 and 2007 by the
entrepreneurs link the norm to other issue areas in attempts to implement it. The contested intervention by nato and its allies in Libya in 2011 has amplified the reframing of the R 2 P norm. Recently, the constructivist literature has begun to question linear models of normdiffusion, such as that
the motives behind Brazil’s engagement with the responsibility to protect (R2P) using normdiffusion theory, in particular the concepts of norm localization and norm subsidiarity. This approach demonstrates that the country’s contributions to the R2P conversation shift in large part due to normative
be built on normdiffusion research. 38 It could be shown how states, greatly fixated on a ‘cognitive prior’ of sovereignty, maintain the latter’s rhetoric while tacitly compromising to informal practices by migrants and refugees that de facto erode sovereignty (see the contributions of Moretti
The European Union has made cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia a crucial condition to furthering relations with Serbia. This approach, known as “icty conditionality”, stems from the conviction that the Tribunal is a key factor in rebuilding the rule of law in the Western Balkans. In contrast to the existing literature on eu conditionality in general or on icty conditionality in specific, this article emphasizes the relevance of all involved actors: it examines the interaction of icty conditionality, domestic factors and the icty’s judicial performance influencing the development of the rule of law in Serbia. The article concludes that the goal of using the icty as a tool to establish the rule of law in Serbia has failed due to a lack of norm diffusion, although all icty conditionality requirements have eventually formally been fulfilled. This was not only due to inconsistent application of icty conditionality on the eu’s side, but also on account of deficiencies in the legal operation of the Tribunal. Lastly, neither the eu’s demands nor the icty’s work fell on fruitful domestic grounds.
This article argues that the symbolic interactionist sources of the first generationof constructivists in IR theory are worth recovering because of their ability to address whatconstructivists have always wanted to understand – the social construction of world politics.Symbolic interactionism is more or less implicit in key claims of canonical works of the firstgeneration of constructivism in International Relations (IR) theory. However, constructivismlost some of its potential to address everyday experiences and performances of world politicswhen it turned to norm diffusion and socialisation. The second generation of constructivistsgenerated rich insights on the construction of national identities and on patterns of foreignpolicy, but did not fully exploit constructivism’s analytical potentials. Contrary to what mostIR scholars have come to believe, symbolic interactionists saw the self as a deeply social – nota psychological or biological – phenomenon. Symbolic interactionism is interested in howinherently incomplete and fragile selves are constructed and deconstructed through processesof inclusion, exclusion and shaming. Today, third generation constructivists are returning tothe sociology of Erving Goffman and Harold Garfinkel and other symbolic interactionists toaddress problems of identity, power and deviance in international politics.
For its advocates, the 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) principle is clearly intended to be a universal concept, applicable equally to all parts of the globe. Yet recent literature examining the processes of norm diffusion in international relations has suggested that so-called universal norms do not automatically become embedded in different regions of the world and hence commitment to them varies depending on the local context. This article explores this issue with reference to how members of African international society have thought about the R2P idea. To do so it proceeds in two parts. The first summarises what I mean by African international society and the process of norm localization. In the second, I explore the current status of the R2P idea within the African society of states with reference to six illustrative episodes. These concern: 1) the building of Africa's new peace and security architecture; 2) the debate surrounding the adoption of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document; 3) UN Security Council debates about the protection of civilians in armed conflict; 4) the African Union's response to the conflict in Darfur, Sudan; 5) the UN Secretary-General's appointment of a special adviser on R2P; and 6) African international society's response to the crisis in Zimbabwe. I conclude by reflecting upon what these episodes reveal about the current status of the R2P within African international society and the extent to which different camps are emerging that articulate different local positions on, and express varying degrees of skepticism about, the protection principle.
is a Research Fellow (Lecturer) at the Department of International Relations at the Australian National University. Her work focuses on human protection (in particular, the Responsibility to Protect and atrocity prevention), normdiffusion and France’s foreign policy.