According to the 2011 census, the number of individuals who identified as Catholic was 45 per cent and those who identified as Protestant was 48 per cent (NorthernIreland Statistics and Research Agency 2011). However, 40 per cent of the population identified as British, 25 per cent as Irish, and
NorthernIreland’s constitutional settlement of 1998 – the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (‘the Agreement’) – acknowledges “the sensitivity of the use of symbols and emblems for public purposes” as well as “the need in particular in creating the new institutions to ensure that such symbols
. To do this it looks at a specific aspect of the peace process in NorthernIreland relating to criminal justice reforms. 15 These reforms sought to incorporate restorative justice principles into the youth justice system, so as to make criminal justice more open and acceptable to the community as a
Related dataset “NorthernIreland Life and Times Survey” with URL
https://discover.ukdataservice.ac.uk/series/?sn=2000040 in repository “ uk Data Service”.
Annual public attitudes surveys are important tools for researchers, policy makers, academics, the media
This article considers how older people assess their changing identity as they age, in two geographic locations; Zambia and NorthernIreland. The article considers how strongly older people perceive and internalise the ageing identity in each area and how this relates to self-image and self
This paper presents an outline of the circumstances surrounding the current political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It considers the role of language as a key justification for the unravelling of the complex political arrangements formulated by The Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The discussion begins by problematizing the notions of “identity” and “minority” in the Irish / Northern Irish context as an important backdrop and within the framework of the European commitment to, and Charter for, Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). In particular it looks at historical memory, constructed history, ideology and notions of nationalism, as well as the role of politics and manipulation of language.
peace processes, we compare the role of religion in two cases – NorthernIreland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These are cases of European, ethno-religious nationalism; they offer a different type of insight than studies of non-European contexts where historical relationships between religion and
The conflict in Northern Ireland has resulted in the loss of over 3,600 lives. A further 40,000-50,000 people are estimated to have been injured, which translates into a large number of “secondary victims.” This relatively high level of violence has strengthened the divisions between the Protestant and Catholic communities. Healing the trauma and addressing the issues of guilt and blame, and of victims and perpetrators, are essential to the conflict’s resolution. In that respect, the peace process in Northern Ireland cannot be focused only on the “political” or “institutional” dimensions, but must address the crucial issue of how to deal with the past, and what mechanisms can be established in order to achieve the goal of reconciliation. The objective of this paper is two-fold: first, to analyse the manner in which the memory of the conflict has been constructed within both communities, emphasising the divergent approaches taken on fundamental issues such as the causes of the conflict, guilt and victim-hood; second, to discuss the different mechanisms instituted by governments, organisations or individuals to come to terms with the past. This leads to a discussion on the possible way forward in Northern Ireland regarding reconciliation.