). Certain irregularities within the historical phonology of the earliest texts of the language led Werner Winter to question this apparent uniformity within the oldest layer of the language: “[I]f conflicting developments from identical or analogous forms can be found to cluster in a systematic fashion, the
revised New Etymological Vocabulary of Pashto ( NEVP ). This contribution has also implications for our understanding of the historical morphology, notably the case system, of Pashto. Ke y w o r d s Pashto, Historical Phonology, Iranian Etymology I NTRODUCTION One of the greatest iranologists, Georg
Whitehead, Thomas Olander, Birgit Anette Olsen & Jens Elmegård Rasmussen (eds.), The Sound of Indo-European. Phonetics, Phonemics and Morphophonemics , 381–398. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. Ohala, John J. 2003. Phonetics and historical phonology. In Brian D. Joseph & Richard D. Janda (eds
W. South Coblin
Closely associated with the Chinese rime table (Chin. děngyùntú 等韻圖) tradition is an ordered list of syllables, referred to in Chinese as the Sānshíliù zìmŭ 三十六字母. As this term indicates, there are thirty-six members in the usually cited full list. A shorter version, found in the so-called Shǒuwēn 守溫 Fragments from Dunhuang, has only thirty members (cf. Coblin 2006a). In addition to the copies of the list incorporated into the various tables themselves, several “disembodied” lists, perhaps copybook exercises of some sort, have also been found in the broader corpus of Chinese Dunhuang texts (Coblin 2006b: 146). The syllable initial classes for which the characters in the rime tables serve as names are basic componential elements in the field of traditional Chinese historical phonology and as such have been subject to intense scrutiny for nearly 1000 years. On the other hand, the actual names themselves have attracted little attention. It has been noted that each naming syllable denoted by the characters in the list embodies the particular medieval syllable initial of the sound class for which it stands in the tables. But beyond this the question of how these particular syllables, rather than all other available ones, were selected, seems to have aroused scant interest among philologists and sinolinguists. It is, accordingly, this question that will be the topic of the present paper.
W. South Coblin
The Wènqíjí of the late sixteenth century Míng scholar Zhāng Wèi 張位 contains a short chapter entitled “Local Pronunciations of Various Areas”. The work comprises a number of direct sound glosses on Chinese characters, with the glossing words used to indicate dialectal pronunciations of the glossed words. In the present article, we assume that Zhāng's glossing characters were to be read in the standard pronunciation of that period, i.e., in the so-called Nányīn pronunciation of the Guānhuà koine. Using the nearly contemporary romanized sound glosses of Nicholas Trigault, which are also thought to represent this type of Guānhuà pronunciation, we then attempt to determine how Zhāng Wèi believed the dialect readings of the glossed characters were pronounced.