immigrant groups into European society (which includes a growing presence of non-citizen immigrants) continues to be a salient political issue in Europe. While citizen and non-citizen immigrants have been present in European countries for decades, there was little expectation that they would be politically
Chinese immigrants constitute the largest Asian immigrant population in the United States (Wanning 2006: 47). There are groups of undocumented Chinese immigrants who are from the Southern region of China such as Fu Jian province (Wanning 2006). They work as restaurant servers and
of studies on fear of crime, however, have focused on samples garnered from the general public in Western countries (Hale, 1996 ).
Less attention has been paid to fear among immigrant populations. Research on immigrants’ fear of crime is important because fear among immigrants may reduce their
while ridiculing and censoring critics. Under Trump, neoliberal fascism’s most distinctive feature is its war on undocumented children and immigrants, women, Muslims, and Blacks. The model of the prison and the state-sanctioned embrace of violence and lawlessness are now unleashed on youth, people of
same with Article 8 of the ECHR , although one should note that the Court of Justice of the EU has already ruled on this issue in the case Parliament v. Council .
For the purposes of this article, the term ‘immigrant’ is understood in a broad sense to include all administrative
law contained no provisions for the naturalisation of non-Chinese. 2 Under the guest worker scheme, both states adopted a similar attitude towards foreign immigrants. Foreign labourers were regarded as ‘guest workers’ who were expected to return to their home country once their contracts expired
Immigrants with varying histories and diasporic journeys become complicit, knowingly or unknowingly, in the ongoing processes of colonisation on/of indigenous peoples, communities and lands in Turtle Island (i.e., North America). Immigrants have different histories, experiences and relationships with/on settled lands, depending on their gender, caste, class, race, religion, sexuality, labour, national, citizenship/status, and colonial/ised identities, but their place on indigenous lands is complicated and facilitated by colonialism, capitalism and racial and gendered hierarchies. Indigenous peoples colonised and displaced from their lands, often become diasporic within urban spaces of settler states. Thus urban becomes an interesting site to look at the relationships between indigenous and immigrant community/s for the following three reasons. Firstly, urban is the primary site of encounter for both community/s within the racialised ‘multicultural’ colonial state; secondly, both community/s are rendered diasporic in the urban; and lastly, due to the socio-political geographies of urban lands, the questions about indigenous land get blurred. Hence I will situate the chapter within the geographies of urban lands and relationships. Further building on the works of Lawrence and Dua, in particular their analysis of settler-of-colour relationships on indigenous lands and call for decolonising of anti-racism works, the chapter will focus on how immigrants-of-colour negotiate the colonial processes of Canada. The chapter will explore how immigrants from erstwhile colonies articulate, express, negotiate, and live on colonised indigenous lands and how these relationships are negotiated in the urban. Through these questions, the chapter seeks to decolonise postcolonial theory, as the realities of indigenous struggles are predominantly excluded from postcolonial enquiry. Postcolonial theory’s persistent preoccupation with the postcolonial context often fails to provide a critical perspective on the colonial processes in the contexts of Western settlers.
simultaneously remaining in touch with their home country. The majority of them are first-generation immigrants and refugees with specific needs, and I will demonstrate how their organizational strategies in Norway are comparable to those of other immigrants with varying religious backgrounds (see, for example
Farid Boudjellal’s L’Oud: La Trilogie (1996) includes three graphic novels, L’Oud, Le Gourbi and Ramadan, originally published in France in the eighties (1983, 1985, and 1988 respectively). The graphic novels’ storylines are set in a French metropolitan city (Toulon, Paris) and depict the challenges – for example overt racism – that first generation Arab immigrants, specifically those of Maghrebian descent, face on a daily basis. L’Oud: La Trilogie also portrays Beur youth (i.e. youth of Maghrebian origin born and raised in France) facing alterity, caught between their traditional Muslim families and a ‘modern’ French society. These Beurs are living an ‘in-between’ life, searching for an identity that is theirs. This chapter will focus on the manner in which Boudjellal represents the Maghrebian postcolonial diaspora of the seventies and eighties as it tries to integrate into French society where, more often than not, North African immigrants are perceived to be transient (in the sense that they are expected to leave France and return to their native land in the Maghreb, be it Algeria, Morocco or Tunisia). It will also explore the construction of immigrant as well as Beur identities in an environment that is frequently racist, judgmental, and hostile, as seen through the eyes of a Beur graphic novelist.
colonial exposure on immigrants. His comparative analysis of how France’s indirect rule policy on its colonies (that has been highly assimilationist) and Britain’s indirect rule is an example of academic interest that presents arguments showing an inextricable link between colonisation and migrants’ socio