? Close to the center of this debate stands the question of religiousfreedom, which is indeed even more important for this debate than democracy is. Over the past couple of decades, much scholarship on democracy and Islam has emerged and has offered strong evidence for the possibility and existence of
discourse on the question: Does the interaction between state and church norms in the covid -19 crisis make it more difficult for individuals to exercise religiousfreedom? The relevance of this question becomes clear when we consider the argument of a court that lifting the state ban on religious services
* A preliminary version of this article was presented at the Second Amsterdam Kuyper Seminar, The Netherlands, 23 & 24 January 2014. The authors thank Dr. Christof Sauer (International Institute for ReligiousFreedom) for his comments on the draft version of this paper.
describe the multidimensionality of religiousfreedom (and by implication of religious persecution), in order to somewhat remedy the narrowly focused accounts referred to above. The potential fruitfulness of this approach will be briefly explored by assessing the role of “Islamic extremism” and “secular
According to the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America, religiousfreedom is a basic right for its citizens. For Orthodox Christians, however, it is a freedom that has had to be actively claimed within this very same country. On its surface, this may not be
citizens and others with whom it deals “in a spirit of brotherhood.” And the great majority of the countries agree that one of those rights is the right to religiousfreedom.
What is the right to religiousfreedom? And why should we think that if a government is to act towards its citizens and others “in
It is hardly controversial to affirm that both religiousfreedom and freedom of expression have a privileged position within the system of protection of fundamental rights. Not surprisingly, religiousfreedom has been described as “ prima inter pares ”, 1 while freedom of
It is in this light that our interest in religiousfreedom comes to the fore. As we will discuss in the succeeding sections, the proponents of the SOGIE Equality Bill and same-sex marriage have not only framed their arguments using legal and economic terms. They have also appealed to religious
This is a comparative study of Muslims in Finland and the Republic of Ireland, from the perspective of religious freedom and multiculturalism. The book consists of three parts: the first part discusses religious freedom and multiculturalism from a conceptual point of view and mainly within the context of Western Europe, culminating in the cases of Finland and Ireland; the second part deals with the establishment of Muslim communities in Europe in general, and in Finland and Ireland in particular; and the third part concerns Islam and education in these respective countries