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obtain preferred outcomes in world politics because other countries want to follow it, admiring its values, emulating its example, and aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness. While many real-world situations involve all three types of power, and soft power alone is rarely sufficient, its

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy

preferred outcomes in world politics because other countries want to follow it, admiring its values, emulating its example, and aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness. While many real-world situations involve all three types of power, and soft power alone is rarely sufficient, its presence can be

In: Debating Public Diplomacy

foreign countries. Very often these appeals can be approached through the concept of soft power that represents an alternative to the realist and territorially-determined ways of thinking about international relations, including their geopolitical component. The idea of soft power itself stems from a

In: Russian Politics

governments play “soft power” games and develop distinctive strategies for reviving Chinese-language education in Thailand. Below is a discussion of the formation of modern Chinese schools in Southeast Asia which may shed some light on Chinese-language education in Siam/Thailand. Chinese Schools in

In: Journal of Chinese Overseas
Author: Yanling Yang

1 Introduction: Beyond the Anglophone World The Chinese government has doubled its budget for projecting soft power during Xi Jinping’s presidency, from US$4.75 billion in 2011 to $9.5 billion in 2018. 1 In contrast, US President Donald Trump’s administration has announced a 29 per cent

In: The Hague Journal of Diplomacy
Author: Kyu-Deug Hwang

factors for reinforcing Korea’s aid to Africa. Although Korea recognizes the limits of searching for ways of furthering its ‘resource diplomacy’ based primarily on economic pragmatism, the Korean government has strived to utilize aid as a tool for soft power. Hence, Korea’s perspective is to play a bigger

In: African and Asian Studies

democracy. The narrative also focuses on Turkey’s new multilateral and soft-power-oriented foreign policy in the Middle East ( Kirisci 2009 ; Oğuzlu 2010). The idea of soft power has recently emerged in international relations literature ( Nye 2004 , 2008). Accordingly, the resources that produce soft power

In: Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication

communications, but these efforts are significant nonetheless. ‘Soft power’, the ability to secure support for preferred outcomes based on attraction rather than coercion, is predicated on generating attention ( Nye, 2004 ): Attractive properties must be known and acknowledged as such to have an effect. This

In: International Journal of Taiwan Studies

As early as the 1920s, Japan had used auspicious historical events as a source of soft power to make itself attractive to the Philippines. However, toward the turn of the present century, an aspect of this strategy turned out to be problematic because Japan’s choice of February as the month to hold the cultural component of its soft power, packaged as the Philippines-Japan Festival, clashed with the commemoration of the Battle for the Liberation of Manila. This article traces how the annual Philippines- Japan Festival came to be celebrated in February; narrates how the Battle for the Liberation of Manila is celebrated and contrasts it with the grander annual celebration of national historical events; and recounts the criticisms hurled by Filipino elites against the holding of the Philippines-Japan Festival every February. Because of the criticisms, the word “festival” is no longer used, but cultural events have spread to other months, including February. The article concludes that in this particular case a World War II memory that is the Battle for the Liberation of Manila has not proved strong enough to radically challenge Japan’s soft power.

In: Philippine Political Science Journal
Author: YANG Rui

Since the late 1980s, there has been a resurgence of regionalism in world politics. Prospects for new alliances are opened up often on a regional basis. In East and Southeast Asia, regionalization is becoming evident in higher education, with both awareness and signs of a rising ASEAN+3 higher education community. The quest for regional influence in Southeast Asia, however, has not been immune from controversies. One fact has been China’s growing soft power. As a systematically planned soft power policy, China is projecting soft power actively through higher education in the region. Yet, China-ASEAN relations in higher education have been little documented. Unlike the mainstay of the practices of internationalization in higher education that focuses overwhelmingly on educational exchange and collaboration with affluent Western countries, China’s interactions with ASEAN member countries in higher education are fulfilled by “quiet achievers,” mainly seen at the regional institutions in relatively less developed provinces such as Guangxi and Yunnan. This article selects regional higher education institutions in China’s much disadvantaged provinces to depict a different picture to argue that regionalization could contribute substantially to internationalization, if a variety of factors are combined properly.

In: Frontiers of Education in China