This paper centers on tonal representation of Chinese Wenzhou dialect. Tonal behaviors in Wenzhou indicate that tone is on an independent tier to the segment. Also, because of the complex of register and contour, Chinese tones have been represented with a structure of two dimensions, i.e. register and contour. However, these representations present an insolvable dilemma when analyzing the tonal behavior of Wenzhou dialect. Noticing that tone sandhi in Wenzhou is totally blind to register, we will propose that register is not an underlying feature for Wenzhou tone. We will further suggest that it is the initial consonant that carries the feature of register. This paper will conclude that the tonal representation of Wenzhou dialect has only one level, the tonal contour is formed by concatenation of level tones, and initial consonants carry the burden of meaning distinction that “tonal register” is supposed to carry.
is the *HLH pattern posited for the category 3.1, a pattern not attested in the MJ system, and the process of downstep assumed to have occurred in several dialects. Downstep is a well-attested phenomenon in Bantu and other tonal languages, and Japanese historical tonology can only
a single word constituent in Luganda. Crucially, this left-to-right eﬀect is atypical of current Luganda tonology, where H tones do not spread to the right, but rather are anticipated (see Hyman and Katamba, 2010 for a recent overview of the Luganda tone sys- tem). It is important to note that the
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Weidert, Alfons K. 1987. Tibeto-Burman tonology: A comparative account . (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 54). Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
Yu, Dominic. 2012. Proto-Ersuic . Berkeley: University of California
other phonetic features of Somali. unpublished ms. Elfner, Emily. 2012. Syntax-prosody interactions in Irish . PhD thesis. University of Massachusetts-Amherst. Frid, Johan. 1995. Aspects of Somali tonology. unpublished ms. Lund University. Gebert, Lucyna 1986. Focus and word order in Somali
-Burman Tonology' (254-258). Reviews of A. Wink, A1-Hind: The making of the Indo- Islamic World, vol. I: Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries (Leiden 1991); Rdo rje rgyal po (ed.), Tshad ma sde bdun rgyan gyi me tog. (1991); Xizang Wenwa Jingcui \[Bod kyi rig dngos snying btus, A
A second perspective will consist in examining the phonetic implementation of surface-phonological tones. This study has not begun in earnest yet, because the approved order of business consists of understanding the system first (morpho-tonology, and intonation) before launching into
depressor and register effects in Wu dialect tonology. Journal of Chinese Linguistics 30(1). 39–81. Shen, Zhongwei & Wooters, Charles & Wang, William S.Y. 1987. Closure duration in the classification of stops: A statistical analysis. Ohio State University Working Papers in Linguistics 35. 197
, and if our interpretation of the historical nomenclature is correct, then we are justified to reconstruct the ancient tones in the following manner:
307 This could be made the basis of Comparative Tonology. But we see that it is not always the lower tone series that has been redistri- buted, as is
respectively. The Changchew tonal contours are [ʨʰi EQ02E6EQ02E9 tɔŋ EQ02E9EQ02E7] (Helen T. Chiang. 1967. ‘Amoy Chinese tones’, Phonetica , 17 (2): 100–115; Alan Lee. 2005. Tone Patterns of Kelantan Hokkien and Related Issues in Southern Min Tonology . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania doctoral