Inspired by existing literature on the Europeanization of social movements, this study asks whether, and to what extent, the political opportunity structures (POS) for collective action created by the European Union contribute to intersectional mobilization. In particular, it investigates whether the EU integration process determines (political) advantages for domestic (intersectional) political actors, or rather facilitates their marginalization from mainstream political agendas. Do emerging forms of activism at intersections have access to a broader or a more limited range of EU-driven opportunities? To answer this question, this work uses Romani women’s activism in Romania as a case-study. Specifically, it identifies a set of EU-driven POS for Romani women advocates and uses (political) intersectionality as an innovative analytical tool to explore them. Empirical analysis employs data collected through semi-structured interviews with Romanian institutional and non-institutional political actors carried out in 2015. Findings show that although the EU contributes to produce an intersectional political advantage for Romani women activists (e.g. by facilitating their access to the resources available under different policy regimes), it nonetheless hinders the development of their intersectional political agenda by fostering single-strand policies and discouraging grassroots political action.
main questions, namely: How did the politics of disappointment unfold among female activists? And what were the effects of the strong sense of emotional disappointment on women’s activism and collective action? I argue that notwithstanding the prevalence of disappointment among women’s groups and
The first part of the book traces the influence of armed conflict on contemporary women’s activism, by combining an analysis of women’s personal histories with an analysis of structural and contextual factors. This critical analysis forms the basis of the second part of the book, which discusses several alternative forms of women’s activism rooted in indigenous practices
The book thereby combines a micro- and macro-level analysis to present a sound understanding of post-conflict women’s activism.
Maureen Maisha Eggers
The 30% Quota Campaign in Sierra Leone
Aisha Fofana Ibrahim
Introduction There has been an increase in women’s activism in Sierra Leone, post-war, that has focused on legal reform or advocating for changing laws that discriminate against women as well as on increasing women’s political participation and participation in decision making bodies. Many of these
Souadou Lagdaf and Yahia H. Zoubir
constitutional text should have been the first sign in the guaranteeing of their equal rights and the start of the procedure of the constitutional process, the biggest challenge to equality of rights between the sexes, the revealing the power and achievement of Libyan women’s activism on the constitutional
coverage of women’s participation. By evoking the myth of female passiveness and framing female activism as an exception, the nyt , I suggest, assuaged the effect of women’s activism in deconstructing stereotypes. The proposed reading contributes in exposing the cohesive power of Orientalism as well as
Alice Poma and Tommaso Gravante
In 2006, in the city of Oaxaca in Mexico, the protests of the local section of the teachers’ union (Section XXII-CNTE) turned in a few days to a popular insurrection, which was characterised by the strong participation of women, a group historically excluded and marginalised in Mexican and Oaxaca social and political life. This article analyses the process of empowerment of a group of women who participated in the insurgency and then decided to self-organise as a collective: Mujer Nueva (New Woman). The aim of this article is to contribute to a better understanding of empowerment as a dynamic process and a biographical consequence of protest and activism by analysing the role of different emotions in it.
Abstract This entry begins by defining women’s activism, discussing the difficulties involved in this and emphasizing that women’s activism cannot be reduced to gender but that other significant relations of power, such as class and nation, intersect in the production and framing of women’s