wide debate on the sacralization of politics ranged from Eric Voegelin’s theories on political religions ( 1939 ), to the problems raised by Robert Bellah’s concept of a civil religion (1967) and George Mosse’s nationalization of the masses ( 1975 ). Among these, Emilio Gentile’s research on Fascism as
While the English-speaking world may have reached some kind of a new consensus regarding fascism, from a global perspective this has yet to materialize. 1 Imperial Japan is the perfect example of this. On the one hand, English-language comparative fascism research has repeatedly
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influenced by Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. Previous research on the foundation of the NS and its early years, conducted almost exclusively by Norwegian historians, primarily focused on the internal, domestic development of the NS.
Most historians have classified the NS as fascist
Many facets of ideological transformation in Turkey between the 1910s and 1930s have been extensively discussed but many more still remain to be studied and contextualised. One of these aspects concerns the existing disagreement in the scholarship over Turkey’s experience with another manifestation of totalitarianism, and particularly with fascism. The present paper explores this generally overlooked dimension and argues that even the limited research on fascism in Turkey has been mainly done from comparative perspectives. This dominant methodological approach has long prevailed the field and diverted scholarly attention from the essence of the problem. Therefore, the author aims to explore the problem by not identifying similarities and differences of the Unionism of the Young Turks era and Kemalism with their contemporary totalitarian currents; instead, the analysis will be mainly limited to the Turkish context and practices in order to trace the local manifestations of “global fascism”. He also argues that there is a compelling continuity of totalitarian ideological and political practices between the Young Turks and the Kemalists.
been unevenly spread. Research regarding both the Protestant and Catholic churches’ relations with Nazism is immense; the research investigating their dealings with Italian Fascism less so; and the churches’ attitude towards communism has received far less attention. In Sweden too there has been an
The assumption of a historical collusion between Arab-Muslim public opinion and Fascism and Nazism is widespread. This paper questions this assumption by reconstructing various Arab-Muslim reactions in the Eastern Mediterranean that responded to the rise and establishment of Fascism and Nazism. Scrutinizing the discussions about key elements of Fascist and National Socialist ideologies, the diverse and often explicitly critical stances expressed in journals, books and pamphlets of the 1930s and 1940s will be worked out. Religious arguments were not limited to religious circles, however. Even in liberal and left-leaning circles Islam was invoked in attempts to challenge echoes of authoritarian and radical nationalist thought among Arab audiences. For these voices, Islamic traditions were seen as shielding local political culture against the influences of National Socialist and Fascist propaganda.