Youth and Globalization is an academic forum for discussion and exchanges, a space for intellectual creativity on all questions relating to youth in a globalizing world. Its aim is to provide an innovative understanding of youth studies in a global context based on multiscalar (both local and global), multilevel (economic, political, social), transnational, and multidisciplinary approaches.
Drawing on both theoretical and empirical research, and in addition to and as a complement of the Brill book series
Youth in a Globalizing World, the journal explores how young people relate to globality and its outcomes.
Globalization is an economic phenomenon, linked to the domination of an increasingly financialized capitalism. Is has also an important cultural dimension, due to increasing mobility of cultural goods, global icons, imaginaries, global technoscapes, migration, and diasporas. On a political level, national and international policies affect the ways in which young people relate to the world, from educational programs (e.g., teaching foreign languages, with mobility as part of education, as in the Erasmus program, etc.) to job markets to leisure activities.
Young people both are affected by and are the actors of the globalization of everyday life. Mobility (travel, migration, education), multicultural backgrounds, relations to educational and job markets, demands for leisure recognition, transformation of families and of childhood and youth, and the proliferation and development of youth cultures are among the changing factors that
Youth and Globalization investigates.
Consequently, the journal invites scholars to address such questions as:
• Are we witnessing the globalization, the localization, or the hybridization of the conditions of youth?
• How do young people, even in an ephemeral way, experience cultures that were once considered exotic or peripheral?
• What are the links between transnational economics, political and institutional structures, transnational processes of flexibility at work and change in welfare state regimes, and the transition to adulthood?
• What about the sense of local belonging in a supposedly global age? What conceptions of democracy and human rights are held, shared, and performed by young people in a global context?
• What is the downside of the normative injunctions, widespread among younger generations in Western societies, to be open-minded and curious?
And how do young people cope with this pressure?
Youth and Globalization invites contributions from scholars and advanced researchers that promote dialog in a way that resonates with academics, practitioners, policy-makers, and students as well as the general reader. The journal publishes peer-reviewed articles (8,000-9,000 words), book reviews (up to 1,200 words), and interviews/conversations (not to exceed 2,500 words). Submissions should conform to the Instructions for Authors, available below as a downloadable PDF.
In June 2010, southern Kyrgyzstan was shaken by violent ethnic clashes that neither national nor international security policies were able to address effectively. Rather, these clashes revealed the many dangers to security that exist in the bureaucratic-authoritarian states around Central Asia
understanding developments on the contemporary far right in (Western) Europe, have we really witnessed the emergence of a ‘new’ breed of fascists - a ‘neo-fascism’ that has adapted itself to the norms of multi-ethnic, liberal-democratic society? A ‘designer fascism’ that is fit for the twenty-first century
and ethnic lines and is steered towards the opposition of the government. Several factors associated with drivers of violent extremism stand out when we consider the final step of the theoretical framework, the step from exclusion to radicalisation. According to a major study done by United Nations
activities that it classified as extremism. Some items were relatively unsurprising, such as public advocacy of terrorism and the forcible overthrow of the government. Other “extremist” activities, however, were far broader in scope, such as the promotion of social discord on the basis of religion, ethnicity
pass through a chain of authorities and the Prevent Duty prides itself on using this partnership-based model. The Prevent Duty is the first of its kind to pre-emptively tackle extremism and radicalisation and, following this, similar models are being considered in other European states and beyond, such
, Extremism, and the Domestic War on Terror (London: Verso, 2014); Rytter, Mikkel, and Marianne Holm Pedersen, “A Decade of Suspicion: Islam and Muslims in Denmark after 9/11”, Ethnic and Racial Studies , 37 (13) (2014): 2303-2321.
6 See, for example: Bayoumi, Moustafa, How Does It Feel to Be a Problem
government initiatives, contradictory policies and ambiguous political messages about national identity, extremism and interethnic harmony run the risk of leaving ethnic tensions to simmer without addressing their root causes or, worse, potentially aggravating them further. Checking the rise of nationalism
communication. In policy terms, it is translated into the countering ‘violent extremism’ framework. In legal terms, it has resulted in the launching of a wide legal net indeed, aimed at capturing religious—extremist—speech and largely dropping the test of connection to “violence”.
This article will briefly
The problem of social inequality, as subjectively understood by the parties involved, one way or another always lies at the root of ethnic conflicts. By ethnic inequality we mean the social differentiation of ethnic groups, linked to natural socioeconomic processes and the specific