policies and actions affecting East Africans, Albanians, Arabs, Slovenes and the Jews. But due consideration to these realities should not prevent scholars from recognizing that race had primacy for Italian fascism, as movement and regime, long before 1938. Moreover, race was central to the Italian fascist
must trace the career of these concepts. The biological cat- egory of race subsequently came to have linguistic/philological, ethnological/cultural and political/national connotations giving birth to Nazism and fascism. Similarly, caste carried a racial connotation in that its social construction can
A Critical Response to William E. Connolly’s Aspirational Fascism
does aspire to fascism. Trump does so by desiring and pursuing “crowd adulation, hyperaggresive nationalism, white triumphalism, a law-and-order regime giving unaccountable power to the police … and [by practicing] a rhetorical style that regularly creates fake news and smears opponents to mobilize
Edited by Holger Weiss
Contributors are: Gleb J. Albert, Bernhard H. Bayerlein, Kasper Braskén, Fredrik Petersson, Holger Weiss.
The Southern Cone Countries
Archive of Robert J. Alexander
This collection is primarily based on the personal archive of Robert J. Alexander. Robert Alexander (1918– ), professor of economics at Rutgers University for over fifty years, traveled throughout the region hundreds of times, and is the author of forty-five books, and numerous editions, book chapters, articles and reviews.
Apart from the interviews, the most historically significant items in the Robert J. Alexander archive are the approximately 6,000 pamphlets, many of which are rare or unique.
He kept the pamphlets on shelves in his offices and his home, roughly divided by subjects such as labor, communism and socialism, and like his interviews and subject files, made them available to researchers.
Inspired by Professor Alexander’s example, colleagues and students began to donate material they themselves had collected to his archives. In this spirit, at Rutgers University Libraries, we have added other similar, relevant materials to Professor Alexander’s pamphlet collection. Notably, the Frances R. Grant Papers contained a number of pamphlets, particularly documenting human rights and culture in Latin America. Frances Grant (1896-1993) was a journalist, cultural ambassador and advocate of human rights, who served for over thirty-five years as Secretary General of the Inter-American Association for Democracy and Freedom (IADF), of which Alexander was a founding member. The IADF was a network of centrist individuals and groups which outspokenly opposed both communism and fascism, and advocated for human rights, civil liberties and the betterment of social and economic conditions in Latin America.
The collection also contains contributions from Professor Alexander’s colleagues at Rutgers, such as the late professor of Italian, Remigio U. Pane, and Samuel L. Baily, professor of history. In addition, Rutgers received a number of rare pamphlets from Cuba and the Dominican Republic with the papers of the late Harry Kantor, professor at the University of Florida. Most recently, Argentinian novelist and Rutgers faculty member Tomás Eloy Martínez has donated rare pamphlets which he used as background for his books The Perón Novel (1988) and Santa Evita (1996).
The scope of the collection is wide: it spans the period from the early 1900s to the 1990s, although the bulk dates from the 1940s to the mid-1980s. Latin American is defined in the broadest sense, as encompassing all countries and colonial dependencies of the Caribbean, Central America, and South America, including English, French, and Dutch-speaking areas. About three-quarters of the pamphlets are in Spanish or Portuguese, while the remainder are in English, with a few in French or Dutch.
Most of the pamphlets date from the fraught years of the Cold War, a time when Latin America often served as a battleground between the United States and the Soviet Union over global hegemony. This was also a period of unprecedented industrial growth, economic development, and intense political debate in many parts of Latin America. Labor unions, the military, agricultural workers, and political parties of the left, right and center, all participated in the process.
Latin American Twentieth-Century Pamphlets is particularly strong in its documentation of labor unions–including constitutions and collective bargaining agreements for workers in numerous industries–and for its representation of diverse political opinion. Although he was himself a convinced anti-communist liberal who developed close personal ties with such like-minded leaders as Venezuelan president Rómulo Betancourt, Alexander collected material from all points of view–communism and socialism are especially well represented. Other important subjects include agriculture, the arts, the Catholic Church, civil liberties, finance, foreign relations, human rights, indigenous peoples, industrialization, land reform, race relations, trade, women’s rights, and many others.
The Southern Cone Countries
Part I is particularly rich in source material for Argentina (640 pamphlets) and Chile (598 pamphlets), two of the countries Robert Alexander visited on his initial trip to South America in 1947. As well as documenting the regime of Juan Perón and his wife Eva Duarte de Perón, the subject of Robert Alexander’s The Perón Era (1951), the collection includes rare publications by groups suppressed by Perón, such as the Comité Obrero de Acción Sindical Independiente de Argentina (C.O.A.S.I), and the communist, socialist and anarchist parties.
Of particular significance are labor union materials such as collective bargaining agreements and union convention proceedings. Both the Argentinian and Chilean materials include documentation of a wide variety of individual industries, including, in Argentina, cement, food service, grain, metals, oil, printing and engraving, railroads, shoes, and textiles. Other important subjects include agriculture, anti-Semitism, the armed forces, the Catholic Church, civil liberties, foreign relations, immigration, indigenous peoples, Nazism, trade, and women’s employment. Also included are biographies and writings of important figures such as Juan B. Justo, founder of the Argentinian Socialist Party, and Arturo Frondizi, President from 1958 to 1962. Among the more unusual items is Los Elegidas (1969), a biography of Eva Perón in cartoon format. Although the collection contains a few items from the early twentieth century and a few from as late as 1991, its greatest strength of the collection lies in its documentation of the era in which Juan Perón and his party dominated Argentinian politics (1943-1976).
The Chilean pamphlets, which span the period 1911-1993, are particularly strong in documentation of the 1940s, when Robert Alexander visited practically every factory in the country while doing research for his dissertation.
The collection includes many trade union and factory publications detailing laws governing working conditions and benefits. Among the industries documented are copper mining, fishing, forestry, the maritime trades, nitrates, power, railroads, tobacco, and wine-making. The collection also contains rich documentation of the period of Eduardo Frei’s Christian Democracy (1964-1970) and the rise and bloody overthrow of the socialist government of Salvador Allende (1970-1973). As well as presenting Allende from diverse perspectives, the collection includes documentation of human rights and civil liberties violations under the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1989), such as eyewitness accounts of atrocities and reports on prisons published by international organizations.
Of note are a number of anti-government periodicals, such as the anti-Pinochet newspaper Cartilla de educación popular, and La Pobla (1988), which represented slum dwellers against Pinochet.
Paraguay and Uruguay
The Paraguay section, which spans the period 1944-1989, is much smaller in size (69 pamphlets), and mainly focuses on the dictatorship of General Alfredo Stroessner (1954-1989). As well as propaganda issued by Stroessner and his Colorado party, the collection includes exposés of violations of human rights, such as the genocide of the Aché Indians, as expressed in anti-government newspapers like El Paraguay Libre and the exile publication Unión Nacional Paraguay. Other topics include the beef industry, the Catholic Church, economic and rural development, labor, political parties, and women’s employment.
The Uruguay section is also small, numbering about one hundred pamphlets spanning the period 1908 to 1990. The bulk of the collection dates from the 1940s, and includes numerous publications by political parties ranging from the dominant Partido Nacional and Partido Colorado to the communist and socialist parties. Other documents from this period include union publications and rare manifestos such as Monopolio y latifundio: Enemigos del progreso del pais (1946), in which workers in the sheep and wool industry attack monopolies and the power of the landed aristocracy. The section also documents the turbulent 1960s in Uruguay, including, for example, publications by the Movement for National Liberation (MLN), the Marxist urban guerilla group commonly known as the Tupamaros.
Twentieth Century Latin American Pamphlets: Part I is an invaluable resource for the study of the political, economic, and social conditions of the Southern Cone countries during the greater part of the twentieth century. The search functions of the database enable researchers to focus on individual countries or regions, or do cross-country comparisons. As well as its expected use by scholars and students of Latin American history, the interdisciplinary nature of the material will attract those studying economics, political science, geography, and sociology. Humanities scholars will find that the collection also documents the arts and culture, which have always been closely engaged with Latin American political and economic life. The microfilm set will be particularly valuable for the rapidly growing field of Latin American labor studies: John French has identified the efforts to organize and disseminate the Robert Alexander archive as an important step in making primary sources available in this field. Most importantly, this project preserves and makes universally accessible a treasure trove of rare and unique material previously only known to a small number of scholars. The many voices of politicians, intellectuals, union leaders, factory workers, and peasants buried in the collection deserve to be heard more widely.
Predominantly Spanish but also English and a few titles in French.
Location of originals
Special Collections and University Archives, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ.
The term “Islamofascism” for quite some time has had currency in polemical, but also in sober political discourses. However, it is clear that Islamic fundamentalism has very little, if anything, in common, in either origin or in form, with the historical phenomenon of fascism. If fascism is understood as what developed in certain historical constellations in Italy, Spain, and Hungary or as a specific exceptional form in German National Socialism, then it is something quite different from the movements of radicalized Islam. Islam, as a religion, is driven by different factors and follows goals very different from those of political fascism. One has to rigorously empty the political-scientifically established term “fascism” of content if one wants to make out superficial similarities. This must not be misunderstood: of course there is a modern (sometimes fanaticized) Arab nationalism; but as such it is not a substrate of Islam and thus does not substantially derive religiously from Islam. The Nazi (racial-biological) concept of the “national comrade” (Volksgenosse) has connotations different from those of membership in the Islamic Umma, which neither has anything do with an ideology of “blood” or race nor is determined by territorial presence, but rather includes Muslims living in the Diaspora—and in this respect is much more closely related to the Jewish-religious concepts of nation, people, and Diaspora than to the categories of the fascism that genuinely arose from Western modernism. It can therefore be assumed that the use of the term “Islamofascism” has little to do with an interest in analytical knowledge, but all the more with ideological polemics and political indoctrination.
character within six case-studies: the unresolved tensions over foreign policy and race within the Berlin-Rome Axis; how Latvia’s authoritarian regime reflected and refracted the wave of European fascism; the way the Romanian fascist experience contains elements which ‘problematize’ the claim of fascism’s
Matthew Kott and Tomislav Dulić
On 17–18 November 2011, a conference was held at Uppsala University in Sweden on fascism in northern, east-central and south-eastern Europe, with the title ‘Fascisms on the Periphery’. The purpose was to encourage a comparative look at historical interwar and wartime expressions of fascism
Veterans] and two of the most important associations of Russian fascism in exile - Rossiiskoe Natsional-Sotsialisticheskoe Dvizhenie [Russian National Socialist Movement] and the Vserossiiskaia Fashistskaia Partiia [VFP; All-Russian Fascist Party] from the city of Harbin in Manchuria. High