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Maria Sophia Quine

purposeful and ‘programmatical’ dictatorship determined to improve the quality and increase the quantity of the Italian race. 15 The central argument herein is that the Italian fascist dictatorship possessed a commitment to an overarching racial imperative and pursued a ‘total’ and totalizing biopolitical

Andrey Makarychev

of ‘Putin understanders’: they range from Christian fundamentalists to anti-fascist crusaders. The Biopolitical Shift As I have mentioned above, in this article I introduce the concept of biopolitics as the pivotal element of Russian soft power. I argue that biopolitical dimension is an

Jana Wolf

panel was the bio-political vision of the ‘New Man’, as well as the significance of racism and leader cults within different types of fascism. Supported by numerous illustrations, ROGER GRIFFIN (Oxford) showed participants the self-presentation of fascist leaders and referred to various stereotypical

The “Greek Crisis” in Europe

Race, Class and Politics

Series:

Yiannis Mylonas

The “Greek Crisis” in Europe: Race, Class and Politics, critically analyses the publicity of the Greek debt crisis, by studying Greek, Danish and German mainstream media during the crisis’ early years (2009-2015). Mass media everywhere reproduced a sensualistic “Greek crisis” spectacle, while iterating neoliberal and occidentalist ideological myths. Overall, the Greek people were deemed guilty of a systemic crisis, supposedly enjoying lavish lifestyles on the EU’s expense. Using concrete examples, the study foregrounds neoorientalist, neoracist and classist stereotypes deployed in the construction and media coverage of the Greek crisis. These media practices are connected to the “soft politics” of the crisis, which produce public consensus over neoliberal reforms such as austerity and privatizations, and secure debt repayment from democratic interventions.

Emanuel Rota

scientific legitimation that would have consecrated its biopolitical decisions. 3 However, the long hiatus that necessarily exists between the organization of an international conference and its realization created a paradoxical effect for the Italian Fascists: the kind of racism that emerged from the

Patrick Bernhard

Historical Strands in the Interpretation of Italian and German Racism Conventional historical wisdom has long viewed racism as a point of distinction between Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. 1 Particularly in the decades immediately following the war, scholars identified racism and anti

Simone Brott

was a fascist. As I say in the introduction, I couldn’t sleep anymore. I thought he was a democrat, a liberal. I suddenly felt guilty and ashamed for having admired him since I was 16. Then I started to investigate, and Arnaud Dercelles told me there was an exhibition to be held in 2015. So I sent

Roger Griffin

inter-war history, most tacitly agreeing with Allardyce that “there was no fascism outside Italy” (despite the fact that in France and Britain there were movements that called themselves fascist and had no difficulty defining it). Fascism “defied definition”, was “full of contradictions”, an “enigma

Ruth Miller

French case—on fascist models. B iology and C itizenship Before I go into detail developing my argument, I want to pause for a moment to explain more precisely what I mean by sover- eignty when I refer to it in this essay. First of all, when I talk over the next few pages about political relations, I am

Carl Ipsen

Italian history since unification, namely liberal, Fascist and republican. That organization is compelling if only because the attempt of Mussolini’s regime to Fascistize science, as much else, distinguishes that period from both what preceded and what followed. The articles in this part, with one