Chapter 12 Between Venice and the Danube

Hieromonk Makarije and His Cyrillic Incunabula at the Turn of the Sixteenth Century

In: The Land between Two Seas: Art on the Move in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea 1300–1700
Author: Vladimir Simić

The concept of cultural transfer was first introduced in research on European colonization in the early modern period. In the humanities, it was used to interpret the changes in the culture of the conquered as well as in the culture of the colonizers. The complexity of this acculturation process is reflected in the fact that the concept of cultural transfer not only functioned between two separate and different cultural systems (two or more states, nations, or entities) but also within one.1 There were three interrelated components: a) a self-transferring culture, b) institutions that mediated the process, and c) a target cultural group. This meant not only the reception of the culture of the output system by the target group but also the transformation and incorporation of these elements into it.2 The agents in this process were individuals who created networks through which ideas and objects circulated, causing different cultural references and meaning to be transmitted. One type of cultural transfer between Venice and the Danube region around 1500 occurred by way of printers and their books, as both moved across Southeastern Europe, disseminating ideas, art patterns, and decorative motifs.3 The focus of this essay is the analysis of one such process, that is, the migration of artistic ideas and technologies from Venice through the Cetinje printing house to the Wallachian principality in the north.4

At the turn of the sixteenth century, Venice was the center of the publishing industry in Europe. Its position as a maritime trading power in the Mediterranean allowed books to be easily transported almost everywhere. It was one of the largest book markets, where one could find both grand libraries and numerous wealthy book collectors. For this reason, skilled artists and artisans from all around Europe flocked into the city.5 Those of the Orthodox faith gathered around the Greek Orthodox Church of San Giorgio dei Greci (Fig. 12.1). This was a small community composed of entrepreneurs, adventurers, scholars, and members of old noble families who had emigrated from the Balkans for political reasons.6 Establishing a printing shop in the Ottoman Empire was a costly and challenging undertaking, so some of those enterprising individuals tried to organize the production of printed books for the Orthodox Slavs who lived in the Balkans under Ottoman domination. The Venetian government granted privileges to some publishers and printers to publish Cyrillic books and sell them in foreign markets, unhindered by competition. Financial benefits in that business were so high that the Venetian government even set aside religious arguments urging the control of Orthodox books’ contents.7

Figure 12.1
Figure 12.1

The Church San Giorgio dei Greci in Venice, woodcut illustration

from Forestiere illuminato intorno le cose più rare, e curiose, antiche, e moderne della città di Venezia, Venezia 1740

The last third of the fifteenth century saw a change in the visual design of printed books in Venice: printers started decorating texts with richly ornamented Renaissance graphic frames and introducing color into books. In 1469, German printers Johann and Wendelin of Speyer, who Italianized their names into Giovanni and Vendelino da Spira, introduced a new round and readable letter type—the Roman type. Another well-known printer, Nicholas Jenson, continued working on this type, subsequently improving it.8 Yet, another Venetian printer of German origin, Erhard Ratdold, pioneered a new concept in book decoration by introducing wood-carved illustrations, ornaments, and initials with a characteristic combination of Gothic and Renaissance elements. His aim was to improve the printing technique to imitate the quality and decoration of manuscript books.9 As will be shown, this mixed cultural and publishing climate in Venice also provided a pivotal impetus to the spread and shaping of printing in the Balkans and far into the Eastern hinterland of the Danube region.

1 Between Venice and Cetinje

Đurađ Crnojević (1490–96), the lord of Zeta, arrived in Venice around 1490 and displayed significant interest in printed books and opening a printing shop at Cetinje. He was educated in Venice and married Elizabeta Erico, the daughter of the Venetian nobleman Antonio Erico, which is recounted in Cardinal Pietro Bembo’s book Historia Veneta, which was published in 1551.10 His father Ivan, who had also lived there earlier, had established strong ties with the Venetian government, driven by the fact that his small state lay sandwiched between two powerful neighbors—the Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Empire.11 Interested in procuring books for Orthodox churches in his homeland, Đurađ brought a printing press from Venice in 1493 and founded a Cyrillic printing shop in Cetinje. It was the first such workshop in Southeastern Europe, and only the second to print books in Cyrillic: Sveipolt Fiol had founded the first one in Krakow in 1491 and published liturgical Cyrillic books for the Russian market.12

While the Cetinje printing shop was active between 1493 and 1496, a certain hieromonk Makarije “from Montenegro” worked there as the main master. To this day, his biography has remained almost entirely obscure to researchers. They know about him only what he chose to divulge in the prefaces and colophons of his books.13 As the manager of his publishing endeavor, Đurađ Crnojević appointed Makarije, whose education, knowledge of the language, and theology, as well as his printing skills, made him highly qualified for this role.14 He controlled the central part of the bookmaking process, edited texts, defined the layout of illustrations, and decided all other technical matters. The Glagolitic printing house of Blaž Baromić functioned in the same way. He founded it in Senj in Dalmatia after he returned from Venice in 1493, where he had trained in the workshop of Andrea Torresano.15 Baromić and Makarije faced the same problems in their efforts to establish a printing shop and purchase rare cast metal letters of the Glagolitic and Cyrillic alphabets.16

Some researchers have suggested that Andrija Paltašić (Italianized Andrija Iacobi) from Kotor, who ran a printing house near the church of Santa Maria Formosa in Venice in 1476, could have introduced Makarije to the printing business. It is unknown when and where Paltašić learned the printing craft, but he could have been taught by the famous French printer Nicholas Jenson. Paltašić’s printing house operated until 1499, during which time he published thirty-eight books on religious, juristic, and historical subjects.17 He also provided his services to other printers, such as Octavian Scott, and is also known to have collaborated with some South Slavic printers, such as Bonino de Boninis from Dubrovnik.18

At the request of Đurđe Crnojević, over the course of three years, Makarije printed several books intended for Orthodox worship: Octoechos (1494),19 Psalter (1495), and then a Prayerbook (1495/96). The illustrations in Octoechos were made with two woodcut clichés that complemented each other: one was a decorative frame with an arc, and the other a central part with the figural representation (Fig. 12.2). The same frame was used for all central clichés, which were changeable. These first printed woodcuts had all the features of good Italian Renaissance book illustration. These qualities would not be attained again until the eighteenth century.20 The frame consists of vegetal ornaments (i.e., Renaissance tendrils that end in stylized flowers with intertwined figures of a griffin, lion, dragon, and birds). In the corners, the symbols of the Evangelists are marked with the first letters of their names.21 The central images within this framework were different: the Synaxis of the Archangels, the Synaxis of St. John the Forerunner, the Betrayal of Judas, the Synaxis of St. Nicholas, the Descent into Hell, and the Holy Hymnographers.

Figure 12.2
Figure 12.2

The Betrayal of Judas, woodcut illustration, Octoechos (tones 5–8), Cetinje 1494

The National Library of Serbia

2 Painters and Goldsmiths from Dubrovnik

The press, paper, and ink Makarije bought in Venice, but it is most likely that he hired some goldsmiths or woodcarvers from the area of Cetinje to finish the decorative elements of the book—illustrations, vignettes, and ornaments. Makarije was certainly not an engraver or a master in woodcut illustrations, although he is likely to have designed and perhaps even drawn them.22 Shortly before this, the first Italian Renaissance decorative elements intertwined with older Gothic art forms appeared in the neighboring coastal city of Dubrovnik in the middle of the fifteenth century, in the work of the sculptor Pietro di Martino from Milan (Fig. 12.3).23

Figure 12.3
Figure 12.3

The view of Dubrovnik in the sixteenth century (copy from the nineteenth century)

Photoarchive of Institute of Art History, Zagreb; photograph by Paolo Mofardin

Earlier researchers pointed out the possible impact of the fifteenth-century Dubrovnik painting on the illustrations in the Octoechos, and two brothers, Vicko and Marin Dobričević, were named as the potential creators of the illustrations. They were the sons of Lovro Dobričević, the painter engaged in 1455 to paint the Orthodox Church of the Assumption of the Mother of God in the important Savina Monastery in Zeta.24 It was assumed that the author could have been a Catholic painter who still worked in the Gothic style, using Orthodox iconographic patterns for figural compositions in the central part, and Renaissance ornaments and figures for frame decoration. The grounds for this hypothesis are found in the firm and sharp drawing, the disproportionate figures, and the physiognomies. Vicko painted in such a manner even in the early sixteenth century, while his younger brother Marin worked as a woodcarver in Kotor until 1497. There is no doubt that they would have been able to artistically unify Byzantine iconography, Gothic art, and early Renaissance motifs and to synthesize all of these elements in one woodcut illustration.

The author of the Octoechos illustrations could have also been a goldsmith familiar with woodcutting and the tools for executing woodcuts. Dubrovnik was a major goldsmith center, whose leading craftsmen accepted commissions well beyond the city’s borders. They made various items for local and foreign clients as well as church and state institutions: jewelry, belts, decorations for clothes made of gold and silver wire, coinage, weapon decoration, liturgical items, tableware, and utensils for various purposes.25 They often collaborated with other artists, working mostly in the Gothic style or combining it with Renaissance decorative elements. They were similar to those Italian masters who nurtured the Gothic style until the sixteenth century, gradually introducing Renaissance innovations. A master goldsmith could be easily found in Dubrovnik because, by order of the city authorities, they were all located in one “goldsmith’s street” (ruga aurificium), next to the state mint, on the west side of the Sponza Palace (Divona).26

Although we know today only fragments about their lives, a few should be mentioned as the possible authors of the illustrations in the Octoechos.27 Marin Keraković worked for various clients, making objects after their designs, often depicting woodland hunting scenes. Two of the pieces he made have been preserved in the Savina Monastery, and it would be interesting to know how they got there. These two drinking vessels from around 1500 have the distinctive Dubrovnik stamp with the head of St. Blaise, like those on two vessels in the Franciscan monastery in Dubrovnik, and testify to what his artworks looked like.28 The city authorities hired local goldsmiths to make expensive dishes intended as gifts to foreign rulers.29 Marin Keraković made several plates of Dubrovnik silver, simple and beautiful in shape, on the occasion of the wedding of King Vladislav of Hungary in 1502. The gift was similar to the one sent to King Matthias Corvinus earlier. If the design had not been agreed on in advance, the goldsmith would usually make it himself.30 Another artisan who accepted similar commissions from other clients was Jovan Progonović, a prominent goldsmith originally from Novo Brdo in Kosovo, who arrived in Dubrovnik with his brother, the priest Nikola, fleeing the Ottoman invasion.31 Considering the political significance of the marriage concluded between Đurđe Crnojević and Elizabeta Erico, including the ceremonial exchange of gifts, it is worth looking into the presents sent by the Dubrovnik authorities to the newlyweds at the Cetinje court.

Although there is no definitive evidence to confirm their provenance, a stylistic comparison still provides grounds to look to Dubrovnik for the unknown author of the Octoechos illustrations. It would have undoubtedly been easier for Makarije to find an illustrator there than in Venice and to keep the entire production process under control. The specific skill and tools necessary for making woodcuts speak in favor of the hypothesis that it was a goldsmith who made them. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that one of the available painters made drawings of the compositions, which the goldsmith then transferred to another medium.

3 Sculpture, Coinage, and Other Clues

Although the Octoechos illustrations were designed in the Renaissance manner, some of their decorative elements do not appear in similar compositions in either Venetian or German printed books.32 Given the distance of Venice, the source of some aspects of the Octoechos’s decoration should be sought near Cetinje. Due to the devastating earthquake that almost destroyed Dubrovnik in the seventeenth century, few older monuments have been preserved. Hence it is difficult but not impossible to establish connections based on some sculptural decorations on the Rector’s Palace, paintings, and coin images. About fifty years before the founding of the Cetinje printing house, the Rector’s Palace underwent a thorough renovation after having suffered severe damage in devastating gunpowder explosions and fires in 1435 and 1463.33 The renovation was entrusted to the architect Onofrio Giordano from Cava near Naples, and this enabled a stronger influx of Renaissance art elements from Italy. The city authorities decided to decorate the walls of the palace with many relief decorations. Filip de Diversis provided detailed descriptions of these reliefs in his 1440 description of Dubrovnik titled Situs aedificiorum, politiae et laudabilium consuetudinum inclytae civitatis Ragusii ad ipsius Senatum descriptio.34 Nicola de Ciria from Cremona, an intellectual and poet who served as a city notary, and Ciriaco Pizzecoli from Ancona, a Renaissance intellectual and one of the leading experts in ancient epigraphy, also participated in the creation of the palace’s sculptural program. Ciriaco arrived in Dubrovnik in 1443/44 during a tour of Dalmatia in search of ancient inscriptions. They confirmed authoritatively the general belief that Cavtat near Dubrovnik was the ancient Epidaurum, which brought the city prestige that needed to be reflected in the sculptural decoration of the Rector’s Palace.35

Although several generations of masters worked on the façade, most of the decorations were made by Pietro di Martino from Milan. For almost two decades, from 1430 to 1450, Di Martino worked on this one and other commissions in Dubrovnik.36 Pietro probably made the masonry of the main door of the palace, which has a Gothic arch and doorframes with intertwined relief. The central motif are small putti shown picking bunches or hiding in the leaves of tendrils of vines, as well as some animals that are disguised symbols—a squirrel, winged lion, bear, dragon, monkey, rabbits, and birds.37 The consoles in the entrance hall of the palace are decorated with group scenes featuring boys with animals. Although these scenes embody the cheerful Renaissance spirit, they undoubtedly had the function of representing the power, wisdom, and just administration of the Dubrovnik government.38 On the capitals of the columns in the entrance hall, the Renaissance stonemason presented ball-shaped groups of various fruits, winged birds pecking at the fruit, and winged boys sitting on curled Gothic leaves. They show the transition from late Gothic to Renaissance art, transferred from Italy to Dubrovnik in the sketchbooks of Master Pietro di Martino (Fig. 12.4).39

Figure 12.4
Figure 12.4

Putti in the capital of the column on the porch, The Rector’s Palace, Dubrovnik, mid-fifteenth century, Dubrovnik

Photoarchive of Institute of Art History, Zagreb; photograph by Milan Pelc, 2003

Some details on the door capitals provide grounds to assume that they served as a source for the decorative frame of the Octoechos illustrations. The image of winged putti in motion carrying medallions made of twisted vine tendrils and their characteristic attitudes seem to have been copied from these capitals (Fig. 12.5). After appearing in the middle of the fifteenth century on the capitals and windows of the Rector’s Palace, naked boys with wings conquered the architectural sculpture of Dubrovnik’s residential buildings and Franciscan and Dominican monasteries, as well as the decoration of sepulchral monuments.40 From there, painters and sculptors copied and transferred them to other media, paving the way for their further dissemination. Representations of angels holding a coat of arms in a wreath were common in Dubrovnik at that time, and a fine example has survived on the four-sided crown of the well in the monastery of St. Clare. The angel-putto fleeing from a lion and dragon in the Octoechos illustration is probably part of general Christian symbolism and represents the soul that encounters various temptations in this world. Similar iconographic and allegorical layers were noticed by researchers of the sculptural ornamentation of the Rector’s Palace.41 The program of the palace portal is believed to have been modeled on one of the older buildings because it contained the eschatological iconography typical of this type of architecture.42 Positive and negative symbols—putti, a bear, dog, griffin, and dragon—depict the universal and eternal struggle between good and evil.43 One console shows a dragon with outstretched wings and gaping jaws attacking a young hero armed with a shield and club. The image of the dragon and satyr is repeated on the door and the crown of the well. The crown was initially located somewhere else and reached the monastery of the Poor Clares much later.44 On three sides of the crown of the well are representations of real and fantastic animals that, together with the abovementioned angels, form the symbolic whole of the microcosm. On one side is a griffin that clashes with a lion trampling acanthus leaves, while below it is a basilisk attacking a bear.45 Some depictions symbolize the dualism of light and darkness and good and evil: the fight between a lion and a bear, a dragon killing a goose, a dog hunting a deer, or an eagle hunting a lamb.46

Figure 12.5
Figure 12.5

Putti, woodcut illustration, detail of fig. 12.2, Octoechos (tone 5–8), Cetinje 1494

The Library of Dečani Monastery

Another element of the illustration of the Cetinje incunabula that points to Dubrovnik is the image of the Holy Hymnographers—St. Joseph the Hymnographer, St. John Damascene, and St. Theophanes Graptos—as the authors of the hymns in the Octoechos (Fig. 12.6). As they rarely appear together in miniature paintings, it is assumed that the origin of this iconographic scheme should be sought in monumental frescoes.47 Behind them is a church, upon which descends a blessing in the form of the Hand of God, and the thesis that this is a depiction of the old church in Cetinje, the endowment of Ivan Crnojević, was put forward very early. The old church was destroyed in the Venetian-Ottoman wars at the end of the seventeenth century, so very little data about it exists today.48 However, archaeological research has shown that the representation in the book does not correspond to the plan of the church on the ground.49 Namely, the church in the illustration is a three-nave basilica with a dome in the middle of the central nave, seen from the northwest side. The middle nave is considerably taller than the side naves and has five arched window openings, with one Gothic triangular arched opening on the wall of the side nave. The four windows shown on the tambourine suggest that there were eight in total. The portal has two pairs of pillars supporting the lintel above, which is a lunette with a cross and a decorative border. Above it is an eight-petal rosette. The Dubrovnik Cathedral, built in the twelfth century on older foundations, was a three-nave basilica with a dome and a round tambour without a pedestal and a semicircular apse (Fig. 12.7). Illuminated by windows on the walls of the central nave and with a rosette above the main portal, it had three entrances: the main one on the west side, the north facing the square in front of the palace, while the south faced the Archbishop’s Palace.50 The colonnade around the building in the form of a porch, which reached half the height of the side naves, also contributed to the similarity.51 The cathedral has always occupied a prominent place in art displays and sometimes left the impression that it was a five-aisled building. However, in the oldest depiction of this edifice, the relief with the view of Dubrovnik in the hands of St. Blaise made by some goldsmith from the middle of the fifteenth century, the church is shown from the south side as a three-nave basilica with much lower side aisles. The prominent high dome is moved slightly toward the sanctuary, and the windows of the central aisle are visible. The roof of the outer gallery is not shown separately but is connected to the roof of the side nave. The church also appears in the painting of St. Blaise in the Rector’s Palace, made by Lovro Dobričević in the middle of the fifteenth century. This is a very detailed representation of the cathedral and is consistent with the previous description.52 The similarity of the temple from the Octoechos with the basic contours of the Dubrovnik Cathedral suggests that the master who made the composition had seen this temple and used it as a pattern.53

Figure 12.6
Figure 12.6

Three Hymnographers, Octoechos (tones 5–8), Cetinje 1494

The National Library of Serbia
Figure 12.7
Figure 12.7

Detail of fig. 12.3, Old Cathedral, Dubrovnik

Photoarchive of Institute of Art History, Zagreb; photograph by Paolo Mofardin

A motif from Dubrovnik can also be found in the depiction of the Synaxis of St. John the Forerunner (Fig. 12.8). The entrance to the city in the background is flanked by two high towers, one circular and the other four-sided, both with a protruding crown on the consoles. Further in the background, there is a tall Romanesque bell tower with a pyramidal top, partially obscured by towers, which indicates its spatial distance from the city gate. The realism of this architectural backdrop has led researchers to look for its models, and some have recognized in it the bell tower of St. Mark’s Church in Venice, while others thought it more likely to be found in coastal cities like Kotor or Dubrovnik.54 It was felt that the landscape of the city, fortified with two towers and a bell tower, represents a real space, but the problem could not be conclusively resolved because no historical city vedute corresponded to that picture. However, by interpreting this detail as a symbolic rather than real representation, its source becomes easier to identify.

Figure 12.8
Figure 12.8

The Synaxis of St. John the Forerunner, detail, Octoechos (tone 5–8), Cetinje 1494

The Library of Dečani Monastery

When compared with depictions on the “mince” (coins minted in Dubrovnik at the end of the fifteenth century), a similarity that could not have been accidental becomes apparent. In 1449 the state mint introduced a new type of mince of better quality, which had a representation of a male or female head or bust on the obverse surrounded by the inscription “MONETA RAGUSII,” while the reverse side showed the city gate with the inscription “CIVITAS RAGUSII.” (Fig. 12.9)55 Dubrovnik was symbolically depicted as a city (civitas) with a gate defended by two high and narrow towers, a narrow window, and a high bell tower with a large pointed roof. Although it seems that the bell tower is located above the gate, perspectively it is placed deeper in the background, behind the towers, with the right tower partially obscuring it, similar to the example in the Octoechos. On some types of coins, a double broken line appears in front of the city gates, marking the port of Dubrovnik. Such a composition would not be surprising because the key political symbols of Mediterranean cities were fortified towers protecting the city gate and bell towers.56 It seems that the person who made the woodcut drawing transposed the well-known image of the city into one symbolic detail of the new religious composition, although the reasons for such a creative decision remain unclear. The fortified city gate with a bell tower on coins represents a protected city, while the wood-carved illustration shows St. John the Forerunner preaching to the inhabitants of an already Christianized city, as indicated by the cross on a flag on the square tower. All this suggests that the illustrations of the Octoechos were done by a person familiar with motifs from Dubrovnik, or that a painter made drawings following Makarije’s ideas. In both cases, the person who made the illustrations would have had connections with Dubrovnik.

Figure 12.9
Figure 12.9

City gate, coin, Dubrovnik 1464

4 Departure to Wallachia and Return to Mount Athos

In the following decades, Makarije’s books left a deep mark on printing in the Balkan hinterland. After the Ottomans conquered Zeta, the Cetinje printing shop was shut down, and Hieromonk Makarije disappeared from the historical scene. He reappeared ten years later, in 1508, far north on the banks of the Danube—in the principality of Wallachia. As the remarks in the colophons of his books explain, he was engaged there to print three books: the Prayerbook (1508), Octoechos (1510), and the Four Gospels (1512).57 He probably moved to that distant principality because it provided good prospects for continuing his bookmaking career. The population of Wallachia also belonged to the Eastern Orthodox Church and used the Church Slavonic language in the liturgy. Makarije was recommended by Đurađ Crnojević, who had familial ties with the Wallachian rulers.58 In 1495, Radu cel Mare succeeded his father on the throne of Wallachia and ruled until 1508. To strengthen his international political position, he married Catalina Crnojević, probably Đurađ’s sister or daughter. They had several children, one of whom, Radu de la Afumați, became the next Wallachian ruler. Another favorable circumstance for Makarije’s career was the arrival of Maxim Branković from Venice to Wallachia in 1504, where he was appointed the new metropolitan. His appointment was a way for Prince Radu to get rid of his opponent, Metropolitan Nifon. Branković was the last descendant of the old Serbian ruling family; he could trace his ancestry back to the Byzantine Palaiologos dynasty and was also a relative of Princess Catalina and Duke Đurađ Crnojević.59 During Radu’s reign, Makarije printed the Prayerbook, the first Wallachian printed book.60

These Wallachian editions had many elements similar to the publications of the Cetinje printing shop: the high quality of printing, uniform prefaces and conclusions in both Octoechos books, a similar text structure, and the mention of the Serbian saints Sava and Simeon in the Prayerbook.61 Makarije also repeated some visual elements: the decorative vignettes used in the Psalter printed in Cetinje in 1495 appeared on the first page of the Prayerbook from 1508. The Four Gospels printed in Wallachia in 1512 also contain one decorative vignette from the Cetinje incunabula. It consists of a braided ornament inside a rectangular frame, representing a Greek cross, with a two-headed black eagle at the center as a reference to the Crnojević family.62 A similar type of braid was used in the Four Gospels, but here the coat of arms in the middle contained a black raven with a crown on its head and a cross in its beak, the coat of arms of Prince Radu cel Mare.63

Another illustration found in both the Cetinje (1494) and Wallachian (1510) editions of the Octoechos points to the migration of influences between the Mediterranean and the Danube region (Fig. 12.10). The Cetinje book contains an illustration of the Holy Hymnographers, the authors of the hymns from the Octoechos, at the beginning of the service of Little Vespers on Saturday evening: St. Joseph the Hymnographer, St. John Damascene, and St. Theophanes Graptos. This same composition is found in the Wallachian edition but as the frontispiece of the book. The position of the Holy Hymnographers is different because: the central place is given to St. Theophanes Graptos rather than St. John Damascene; their names are not written on the halos; and they hold scrolls instead of books. The composition is less strict than in the Cetinje edition, while the elongated tambours of the domes indicate that the background church belongs to the Wallachian type of architecture. Although the identification of this historical church has not been successful, it is highly likely that the picture represents a monastery, probably the one that hosted the printing shop, like Govora, Dealu, or Snagov. It is also possible that this was the church in Tîrgoviște, the seat of the Wallachian ruler, because it was there that around the 1540s Dimitrije Ljubavić, a Serbian printer from Goražde in Bosnia, opened a printing shop attached to the Wallachian court.64

When a few years later the political climate in Wallachia changed, Makarije left for the Hilandar Monastery on Mount Athos, where he became the monastery’s hegoumenos (abbot) shortly thereafter. He continued to maintain his ties with the Wallachian rulers, who became patrons of Hilandar, granting charters and sending financial help every year. Radu IV had already sent substantial gifts to the monasteries of Mount Athos: in 1498, he sent around 5,000 aspras to the Hilandar Monastery, a large sum of money in those hard times.65 Radu V sent 10,000 aspras to Hilandar, 1,000 of which were intended for Abbot Makarije personally.66 Petru Rareș, the duke of Moldova, issued in 1533 one of the charters in which he declared his support for the Hilandar Monastery. At that time, Makarije was in Moldova, the charter informs us, where he was negotiating financial aid for his monastery. Makarije preserved his ties with Dubrovnik, too. City officials usually sent money to Hilandar, but sometimes monastery delegations went to Dubrovnik to collect the funds, which was the case in 1526. Maybe because of these good relations, Makarije wrote a short geographic essay about Wallachia and Moldova, entitled Tlkovanije o zemljah dakijskih (An essay on Dacian lands), between 1526 and 1529.67

Although they were of lesser quality than the books printed in Cetinje, the technical aspects of Makarije’s editions made them the finest printed books in Romania. In the decades that followed, these books became the gold standard for the new master printers in the Danube region.

5 The Afterlife of Makarije’s Incunabula

Makarije’s influence on South Slavic printers was felt long after he exited life’s stage. Some of them, like the printer Božidar Vuković, mentioned the Cetinje editions in the prefaces of the Cyrillic books he published in Venice. It is evident that Makarije’s books had a strong impact on his editions.68 Vuković followed him in the publishing business for the Balkan population, expressing the wish in his Prayerbook for Travelers (Zbornik za putnike) from 1520 to transfer the printing shop to his homeland in Montenegro. Although this plan never came to fruition due to the wars that forced him to remain in Venice, in 1537 he printed the second volume (tones 5–8) of the Octoechos, the last book that Makarije had worked on in the Cetinje printing shop before the collapse of the state.69

The influence of Makarije’s book was also noticeable in another edition of the second volume of the Octoechos, printed at the Gračanica Monastery in Kosovo and Metohija in 1539 under the patronage of Nikanor, the metropolitan of Novo Brdo, an exceptionally learned man, as historical records show (Fig. 12.11).70 Although the text of this Octoechos differs from the previous editions, the influence of the Cetinje book is visible in the use of framed initials, which Dimitrije, the printer from Gračanica, almost literally copied, introducing only minor changes.71 The Holy Hymnographers—St. Cosmas of Maiuma, St. John Damascene, and St. Joseph—are represented beneath a characteristic architectural depiction of the Gračanica Monastery, the see of metropolitan Nikanor.72 This illustration connects the Gračanica edition of the Octoechos with the earlier books printed in Cetinje, Wallachia, and Venice, uniting their characteristic elements and blending them into a new whole. The upper part of the illustration with the monastery in the background was based on the concept of the illustrations in the Cetinje and Wallachia books. The image of the hymnographers was inserted separately from a particular template found in Vuković’s Venetian Octoechos from 1537.73 Similar to the Wallachian edition, the illustration is here placed as the frontispiece. Although of lesser quality, it shows this new iconographic model transformed from a minor decorative element into a standard emblematic image.

Figure 12.10
Figure 12.10

Three Hymnographers, Octoechos, Wallachia 1510

The National Library of Serbia
Figure 12.11
Figure 12.11

Three Hymnographers, Octoechos, Gračanica Monastery 1539

The National Library of Serbia

The appearance of this specific image in different editions around the Balkans gave rise to many unreliable stories about the Cetinje printing shop. In the preface to his Psalter printed in Venice in 1579, Jerolim Zagurović, a printer from Kotor, wrote that he had discovered somewhere the original typeset of the Cetinje printing shop and that he used it for his books.74 The Venetian booksellers and printers Marco and Bartol Ginami also evoked Makarije’s publishing endeavor in the preface to their Psalter from 1638.75 Even much later, some writers claimed that the printing shop had remained at Cetinje until the end of the seventeenth century and that the typeset was preserved in other places in Montenegro.76 All of these rumors created significant confusion among historians, at the same time contributing to the prestige of Makarije’s Cyrillic incunabula. His life journey and intense activity in the printing business, followed by the impact of his books, marked the routes of cultural transfer between the Mediterranean and the Balkan hinterland over a long period.

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Notes

1

The basic concepts and ideas about cultural transfer in the early modern period are expounded in Günter Berger and Franziska Sick, eds., Französisch-deutscher Kulturtransfer im Ancien Régime (Tübingen: Stauffenburg, 2002); Michel Espagne and Matthias Middell, eds., Von der Elbe bis an die Seine. Kulturtransfer zwischen Sachsen und Frankreich im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert (Leipzig: Universitätsverlag, 1993).

2

Wolfgang Schmale, “Kulturtransfer im theresianischen Zeitalter?” in Strukturwandel kultureller Praxis. Beitrage zu einer kulturwissenschaftlichen Sicht des theresianischen Zeitalters, ed. Franz M. Eybl, 95–109 (Wien: WUV, 2002).

3

Stephan Sander-Faes, “Kultureller Austausch zwischen Italien und dem Donauraum: Perspektiven der Frühneuzeitforschung,” in Barocke Kunst und Kultur im Donauraum, eds. Karl Möseneder et al. (Petersberg: Imhof, 2014), 1:186–89; Cristina Dondi, “The Venetian Booktrade: A Methodological Approach to and First Results of Book-Based Historical Research,” in Early Printed Books as Material Objects, eds. Bettina Wagner and Marcia Reed (Berlin: De Gruyter Saur, 2010), 219–27.

4

Werner Schmitz, Südslavischer Buchdruck in Venedig (16.–18. Jahrhundert): Untersuchungen und Bibliographie (Giessen: W. Schmitz, 1977), 153; Simonetta Pelusi, “Libri e stampatori a Venezia: Un ponte verso i Balcani,” in Ponti e frontiere, ed. Andrea Bonifacio (Venezia: EditGraf, 2005), 61–78. A similar topic has already been discussed in an article, see Vladimir Simić, “O mogućim izvorima i autorima drvoreznih ilustracija Oktoiha petoglasnika (1494),” Zograf 40 (2016): 162–71.

5

Leonardas Gerulaitis, Printing and Publishing in Fifteenth-Century Venice (Chicago: American Library Association, 1976); Angela Nuovo, The Book Trade in the Italian Renaissance (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2013), 21–45.

6

Fani Mavroidi, “Serbi e la confraternita Greca di Venezia,” Balkan Studies 24 (1983): 511–29; Lovorka Čoralić, “Prisutnost doseljenika sa istočnojadranske obale u Veneciji od XIII. Do XVIII. Stoljeća,” Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest 26 (1993): 40–46.

7

Simonetta Pelusi, “Il libro liturgico veneziano per serbi e croati fra Quattro e Cinquecento,” in Le civiltà del libro e la stampa a Venezia. Testi sacri ebraici, cristiani, islamici dal Quattrocento al Settecento, ed. Simonetta Pelusi (Padova: Poligrafo, 2000), 44–49.

8

Theodore Low De Vinne, Notable Printers of Italy during the Fifteenth Century: Illustrated with Facsimiles from Early Editions, and with Remarks on Early and Recent Printing (New York: De Vinne Press, 1910), 33–36, 66, 74–78.

9

Gilbert R. Redgrave, Erhard Ratdolt and His Work at Venice (London, 1894), 9–17; Alfred W. Pollard, Italian Book Illustrations: Chiefly of the Fifteenth Century (London: Seeley, 1894), 5–53; De Vinne, Notable Printers of Italy, 102; Curt F. Bühler, The Fifteenth Century Book: The Scribes, the Printers, the Decorators (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1960), 48–57.

10

As early as 1496, Turkish military troops conquered Zeta, and Đurađ had to flee to Venice with all the splendor of a “Greek” ruler. He settled with his family in the house of Alvise Pasqualin (now known as Casa Zaguri), near the bridge of St. Maurizio leading to the church of Santa Maria Zubenigo (Santa Maria del Giglio). However, after numerous conflicts with the Venetian authorities, which Marino Sanudo described in detail, he eventually fled Venice, leaving his wife and children there. He returned to Montenegro, and then, after having secured the patronage of Sultan Bayezid II and probably converting to Islam, he ended his adventurous life as a Turkish spahi somewhere in Anatolia in the second decade of the sixteenth century. Rotković, Sazdanje Cetinja, 81, 113; Marino Sanudo, I diarii, eds. Federico Stefani, Rinaldo Fulin et al. (Venezia: F. Visentini, 1879), 1:402, 421, et passim; Diana G. Wright, “The First Venetian Love Letter? The Testament of Zorzi Cernovich,” Electronic Journal of Oriental Studies 9, no. 2 (2006): 1–10.

11

Sima Ćirković et al., Istorija Crne Gore: Od kraja XII do kraja XV vijeka (Titograd, 1970), 2:2:333–47.

12

Mitar Pešikan et al., Pet vekova srpskog štamparstva, 1494–1994 (Beograd: SANU: Narodna biblioteka Srbije, 1996), 206–8; Szczepan K. Zimmer, The Beginning of Cyrillic Printing in Cracow, 1491: From the Orthodox Past in Poland (Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, 1983), 153.

13

Pešikan, Pet vekova srpskog štamparstva, 137–39; Nadežda R. Sindik, Smerni sveštenik mnih Makarije ot Černije Gori (Beograd: Kultura, 1995), 11–12.

14

Dennis Romano, “Aspects of Patronage in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Venice,” Renaissance Quarterly 46 (1993): 712–14; Evgenij L. Nemirovski, Počeci štamparstva u Crnoj Gori (1492–1496) (Cetinje: CNB, 1996), 200–03.

15

Anica Nazor, “Kulturnopovijesno značenje izdanja glagoljske tiskare u Senju g. 1494–1508,” Slovo: Časopis Staroslavenskog instituta 21 (1971): 417–28; Marija Pantelić, “Kulturni ambijent djelovanja Blaža Baromića, pisca i štampara glagoljskih knjiga,” Senjski zbornik 6 (1975): 31–36.

16

Milanka Ubiparip, “Petoglasnik Đurđa Crnojevića,” in Oktoih petoglasnik: Izdanje Đurđa Crnojevića, eds. Milanka Ubiparip et al. (Cetinje: Mitropolija crnogorsko-primorska, 2014), 26–31; Milan Pelc, “Od primanja do stvaranja: Hrvatska grafika 15. i 16. stoljeća,” Vjesnik bibliotekara Hrvatske 48, nos. 3–4 (2005): 24–25.

17

Miloš Milošević, Andrija Paltašić Kotoranin (Cetinje, 1994), 15–22; Nemirovski, Počeci štamparstva u Crnoj Gori, 170–78.

18

Nemirovski, Počeci štamparstva u Crnoj Gori, 179–82. Milan Pelc, “Ilustracije u tiskopisima Dobrića Dobrićevića (Boninus de Boninis),” Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti 24 (2000): 135–36.

19

Ljiljana Puzović, “Počeci srpskog štamparstva: Izdanja štamparije Đurđa Crnojevića,” in Između tradicije i inovacije: 520 godina od prve ćirilske knjige štampane na srpskoslovenskom jeziku, ed. Tatjana Subotin-Golubović (Beograd: Narodna biblioteka Srbije, 2014), 13–18. The Octoechos is one of the most important liturgical books in the Orthodox Church. It was originally organized as one book that contained hymns in all eight tones (collections of melodies) used in Orthodox services. As the number of hymns in each tone increased, the book was later (not before the fourteenth century) divided into two volumes. Among the Slavs, the first volume was called “Prvoglasnik” (of the first tone) and the second “Petoglasnik” (of the fifth tone). Numerous manuscripts of the Octoechos have been preserved, but they all differ slightly, either in the exact redaction of Old Slavonic they were written in or in the order of hymns they contain. Nemirovski, Počeci štamparstva u Crnoj Gori, 364–65; Vaso J. Ivošević, “Dogmatski značaj i liturgijska uloga Oktoiha u životu Pravoslavne crkve,” in Pet vjekova Oktoiha: Prve štampane ćiriličke knjige na slovenskom jugu, ed. Milosav Babović (Podgorica: Pobjeda, 1996), 96–102; Evgenij L. Nemirovski, “Hronologija izdanja Đurđa Crnojevića,” Bibliografski vjesnik 3 (1986): 160.

20

Dejan Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga XV–XVII veka (Beograd: Naučno delo, 1958), 99.

21

Miroslav Lazić, “Izdanja cetinjske štamparije između tradicije i inovacije, funkcije i forme,” in Između tradicije i inovacije: 520 godina od prve ćirilske knjige štampane na srpskoslovenskom jeziku, ed. Tatjana Subotin-Golubović (Beograd: Narodna biblioteka Srbije, 2014), 33.

22

Lazar Čurčić, “Udeo jeromonaha Makarija u štampanju cetinjskih inkunabula,” in Pet vjekova Oktoiha, prve štampane ćiriličke knjige na slovenskom jugu, eds. Milosav Babović and Miroslav Pantić (Podgorica-Beograd, 1996), 129–42; Sindik, Smerni sveštenik mnih Makarije ot Černije Gori, 5–6, 9; Milanka Ubiparip, “Petoglasnik Đurđa Crnojevića,” in Oktoih petoglasnik: Izdanje Đurđa Crnojevića, eds. Milanka Ubiparip and Miroslav Lazić (Cetinje: Mitropolija crnogorsko-primorska, 2014), 23.

23

Vojislav J. Đurić, Manastir Savina (Herceg Novi, 1973), 5–10; Cvito Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari od XIII–XVIII st.,” Starohrvatska Prosvjeta 1 (1949): 40–42, 152–57; “Petar Martinov iz Milana i pojava renesanse u Dubrovniku,” Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 27 (1988): 89–100.

24

Vojislav J. Đurić, Dubrovačka slikarska škola (Beograd, 1963), 90–94, 108–16; Valentina Živković, Religioznost i umetnost u Kotoru: XIV–XVI vek (Beograd, 2010), 282–88; I. Prijatelj-Pavičić, U potrazi za izgubljenim slikarstvom: O majstoru Lovru iz Kotora i slikarstvu na prostoru od Dubrovnika do Kotora tijekom druge polovice XV. stoljeća (Dubrovnik, 2013), 307–15.

25

Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari,” 187.

26

Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari,” 171; Krešimir Regan and Branko Nadilo, “Ranoromaničke sakralne građevine dubrovačkog područja (II.),” Građevinar 58, no.3 (2006): 234.

27

Ivo Stjepčević, Katedrala Sv. Tripuna u Kotoru (Split: Novo doba, 1938), 40, 42; Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari,” 146.

28

Bojana Radojković, Srpsko zlatarstvo 16. i 17. veka (Novi Sad 1966), 33–35; Mila Gajić, Srebrne čaše poznog srednjeg veka u Srbiji (Beograd 2010), 21, 47; Bojana Radojković, “Srebrna renesansna čaša iz Muzeja primenjene umetnosti u Beogradu,” Zbornik muzeja primenjene umetnosti 6–7 (1960–61): 9–11; Iva Lentić, “Zlatarstvo,” in Zlatno doba Dubrovnika: XV. i XVI. stoljeće (Zagreb: MTM, 1987), 229, 256; Marijana Kovačević, “The Images of Dragons in the Gothic Style Goldsmiths’ Work of Zadar,” Ikon: Journal of Iconographic Studies 2 (2009): 220–25.

29

Lentić, “Zlatarstvo,” 232–33; Vinicije B. Lupis, “Zlatarske veze Dubrovnika i Mađarske,” Starohrvatska prosvjeta 37 (2010): 194–95.

30

Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari,” 188–89.

31

Vojislav Jovanović, “Novo Brdo srednjovekovni grad,” in Novo Brdo, eds. Vojislav Jovanović and Sima Ćirković (Beograd: RZZSK, 2004), 50; Fisković, “Dubrovački zlatari,” 204–6; Gajić, Srebrne čaše, 21; Radojković, Srpsko zlatarstvo, 107–8.

32

Rajko Vujičić, “Neka zapažanja o ilustracijama Oktoiha petoglasnika Crnojevića štamparije,” in Crnojevića štamparija i staro štamparstvo, ed. Jevto M. Milović (Podgorica: CANU, 1994), 89–95.

33

Nada Grujić, “Knežev dvor u Dubrovniku prije 1435. godine,” Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 40 (2003–4): 149–52; Stanko Kokole, “Renesansni vložki portala Kneževa dvora u Dubrovniku,” Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 26 (1987): 237.

34

Fisković, “Petar Martinov iz Milana,” 89–90; Filip de Diversis, Opis Dubrovnika, trans. Ivan Božić (Dubrovnik, 1983), 17.

35

Stanko Kokole, “Cyriacus of Ancona and the Revival of Two Forgotten Ancient Personifications in the Rector’s Palace of Dubrovnik,” Renaissance Quarterly 49, no. 2 (1996): 235–40.

36

Fisković, “Petar Martinov iz Milana,” 92.

37

Igor Fisković, “O značenju i porijeklu renesansnih reljefa s portala Kneževa dvora u Dubrovniku,” Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 26 (1987): 198–200; Renata Novak- Klemenčić, “Kiparski ukras Kneževa dvora u Dubrovniku u 15. stoljeću—nekoliko priloga,” Prilozi povijesti umjetnosti u Dalmaciji 39 (2001–2): 282–97.

38

Fisković, “Petar Martinov iz Milana,” 106–7.

39

Fisković, “Petar Martinov iz Milana,” 102–3.

40

Fisković, “O značenju i porijeklu renesansnih reljefa,” 220.

41

I. Babić, “Mitološke i astronomsko-astrološke teme na Kneževom dvoru u Dubrovniku,” Adrias 17 (2010): 166–75.

42

About portals in Serbian medieval churches, with older literature, see Jasmina S. Ćirić, Portali crkava moravske srbije: Arhitektura i arhitektonski ukras, Phd diss. (Beograd, 2014); see also Janko Maglovski, “Studenički južni portal—prilog ikonografiji studeničke plastike,” Zograf 13 (1982): 13–26; Jovan Nešković, “Portali crkve Svetog Nikole u Bariju,” Zograf 29 (2002–3): 33.

43

Miljenko Jurković, “Romanički motivi u skulpturi 15. i 16. stoljeća u Dubrovniku,” in Likovna kultura Dubrovnika 15. i 16. stoljeća, ed. Igor Fisković (Zagreb: Muzejsko galerijski centar, 1991), 116; Fisković, “O značenju i porijeklu renesansnih reljefa,” 198–99. The conceptual connection between the sculptural decoration of Dubrovnik, Kotor, Raška, and Apulia has been highlighted in Jovanka Maksimović, Srpska srednjovekovna skulptura (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1971), 90–95.

44

Cvito Fisković, “Romanički bestijarij na renesansnom bunaru u Dubrovniku,” Starinar 20 (1969): 98–100; Vinicije B. Lupis, “Prilog poznavanju gotičkog zlatarstva u Dubrovniku,” Starohrvatska prosvjeta 35 (2008): 152–54.

45

Jurković, “Romanički motivi u skulpturi,” 115–16; De Diversis, Opis Dubrovnika, 15.

46

Athanassios Semoglou, “Le combat des animaux dans le décor religieux à Byzance après l’iconoclasme et sa référence eucharistique,” Ikon: Journal of Iconographic Studies, 2 (2009): 126; Vujičić, “Neka zapažanja o ilustracijama Oktoiha petoglasnika,” 92.

47

Since the sixteenth century this wall painting has appeared in many monasteries in the Balkans, such as Gračanica and Ravanica in Serbia, Humor and Suceviţa in Romania, or Molivoklissia on the Holy Mountain. For the iconography of the Holy Melodes, see Wolfgang Braunfels, ed., Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (Rom, 1976), 8:2–3 and Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (Rom, 1974), 7:102–4, 207–9, 343–44; Mirjana Tatić-Đurić, “O Tebje radujetsja,” in Enciklopedija pravoslavlјa, ed. Dimitrije M. Kalezić (Beograd, 2002), 2:1351–52.

48

Đorđe Sp. Radojičić, “Izveštaj o radu na proučavanju starih srpskih rukopisa i štampanih knjiga kao i drugih starina,” Istoriski časopis 2 (1951): 345.

49

Branislav Borozan, “Sakriveni iskaz gravure iz Cetinjskog Oktoiha,” Matica: Časopis za društvena pitanja, nauku i kulturu 44 (2010): 614–15.

50

Nada Grujić and Danko Zelić, “Palača vojvode Sandalja Hranića u Dubrovniku,” Anali Dubrovnik 48 (2010): 56–59.

51

Danko Zelić, “Arhitektura starih katedrala,” in Katedrala Gospe Velike u Dubrovniku, ed. Katarina Horvat-Levaj (Dubrovnik–Zagreb, 2014), 43–45.

52

Zelić, “Arhitektura starih katedrala,” 50–52; “Veduta Dubrovnika, 17. stoljeće,” in Sveto i profano: slikarstvo talijanskog baroka u Hrvatskoj, ed. Radoslav Tomić (Zagreb: Galerija Klovićevi dvor, 2015), 236–38. An overview of the artworks depicting the old Dubrovnik Cathedral is given in Pavuša Vežić, “Ikonografija romaničke katedrale u Dubrovniku,” Ars Adriatica 4 (2014): 65–71.

53

Laura Nuvoloni, “The Woodcut as Exemplar: Sources of Inspiration for the Decoration of a Venetian Incunabulum,” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 15, no. 1 (2012): 151–54; Robert W. Scheller, Exemplum. Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages (200B.C.–1470) (Amsterdam: University Press, 1995), 54–61.

54

Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga, 101.

55

Milan Rešetar, Dubrovačka numizmatika (Sremski Karlovci, 1924), 1:29–33, 123, 130–32.

56

Bože Mimica, Numizmatička povijest Dubrovnika (Zagreb: HAZU, 1994), 391–92.

57

That issue is extensively discussed in Vladimir Simić, “Early Cyrillic Printed Books and the Migration of Decorative Forms between the Adriatic and the Danube around 1500,” Zograf 44 (2020): 196–200.

58

Kornelija Olar, “Makarije u rumunskoj istoriografiji,” in Crnojevića štamparija i staro štamparstvo, ed. Jevto. M. Milović (Podgorica: CANU, 1994), 106–111; Niculina Vârgolici and Agnes Erich, “Controversy Regarding the Printing of the First Book in the Romanian Space, the Liturgy Book (1508),” Studii de Biblioteconomie şi Ştiinţa Informării 13 (2009): 166–72.

59

Svetlana Tomin, Vladika Maksim Branković (Novi Sad: Platoneum, 2007), 34–39; Petre Panaitescu, ed., Liturghierul lui Macarie (Bucureşti 1959), xxxi–xxxiv.

60

Radu Ş. Vergatti, “Le règne de Radu le Grand,” in Cartea. România. Europa. Lucrările simpozionului internaţional, ed. Florin Rotaru (Bucureşti: Biblioteca Bucureştilor, 2009), 162–63. The founder’s composition of prince Radu cel Mare and princess Catalina is shown on the west wall of the narthex in the Govora Monastery. Andrei Oţetea, ed., Istoria Romîniei (Bucureşti: Academiei Republicii Populare Romîne, 1962), 2:618.

61

Additional arguments, based on linguistic analysis, that support the opinion that the Cetinje and Wallachia printers of the same name were indeed the same person, are presented in Viktor Savić, “Dva značajna zapisa o štamparu Makariju,” Prilozi za književnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor 78 (2012): 101–6; “Zapisi štampara sveštenomonaha Makarija. Jezik, pismo i pravopis,” in Srpsko jezičko nasljedje na prostoru današnje Crne Gore i srpski jezik danas, ed. Jelica Stojanović (Nikšić: Matica srpska, 2012), 159–79; Evgenij L. Nemirovskij, Gesamtkatalog der Frühdrucke in kyrillischer Schrift: Die Druckereien des Makarije in der Walachei und von Giorgio Rusconi in Venedig (Baden-Baden: V. Koerner, 1997), 2:15–17.

62

Zoran Rakić, “Zastavice četvorojevandjelja br. 33 i 39. u biblioteci manastira Hilandara,” in ΠΕΡΙΒΟΛΟΣ. Zbornik u čast Mirjane Živojinović, eds. Bojan Miljković and Dejan Dželebdžić (Beograd: Vizantološki institut SANU, 2015), 2:489–90. For additional literature on this type of ornament, see Mirjana Živković, “Ornamenti Beogradske Aleksandride,” Saopštenja 47 (2015): 38.

63

Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga, 173–74; Nemirovskij, Gesamtkatalog der Frühdrucke, 28–29.

64

Olar, “Makarije u rumunskoj istoriografiji,” 105; Đorđe Sp. Radojičić, “Stare srpske povelje i rukopisne knjige u Hilandaru,” Arhivist 2 (1952): 77.

65

Vergatti, “Le règne de Radu le Grand,” 167–68.

66

Documento Romaniae Historica, B. Tara romaneasca (Bucuresti: Academiei Republicii Socialiste Romania, 1972), 2:435–42; as cited in Nemirovskij, Gesamtkatalog der Frühdrucke, 47.

67

Đorđe Sp. Radojičić, Književna zbivanja i stvaranja kod Srba u srednjem veku i u tursko doba (Novi Sad: Matica srpska, 1967), 344–46; Olar, “Makarije u rumunskoj istoriografiji,” 109–11.

68

Nadežda R. Sindik, ed. and trans., Izdavači, štampari, prepisivači (Cetinje: Obod, 1996), 71–72. In his will he left the old manuscripts to the monasteries on Lake Skadar. Pešikan et al., Pet vekova srpskog štamparstva, 81.

69

Miroslav Lazić, “Između patriotizma, pobožnosti i trgovine: Motivi izdavačke delatnosti Božidara Vukovića,” Arheografski prilozi 35 (2014): 56–62; Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga, 110.

70

Radoslav M. Grujić, “Prva štamparija u Južnoj Srbiji 1539. Godine, na Kosovu Polju u manastiru Gračanica,” Glasnik Skopskog naučnog društva 15–16 (1936): 84–86; Radivoje Ljubinković, “Dve gračaničke ikone sa portretima mitropolita Nikanora i mitropolita Viktora,” Starinar 5–6 (1956): 134.

71

Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga, 160.

72

Pešikan et al., Pet vekova srpskog štamparstva, 99–101.

73

Sreten Petković, “Nesačuvani portret novobrdskog mitropolita Nikanora iz 1538/39. godine,” Starine Kosova i Metohije 9 (1990): 74–85.

74

Medaković, Grafika srpskih štampanih knjiga, 105, 113, 160–66; Nemirovski, Počeci štamparstva u Crnoj Gori, 16–17.

75

Pešikan et al., Pet vekova srpskog štamparstva, 175.

76

Radoslav Raspopović, “Jedan arhivski dokument o sudbini štamparije Crnojević,” Glasnik Narodnog muzeja Crne Gore 5 (2000): 8–9.