David Livingstone (1813–73) is a larger-than-life figure in the history of Christian missions in Africa. However, reaching Africa for the first time in 1841, he is far from being the continent’s first missionary. His first contact with Africa was mediated by Robert Moffat (1795–1883), a Scottish Congregationalist missionary, who had already settled at Kuruman in today’s South Africa in 1817, and who would later become Livingstone’s father-in-law. More importantly, Livingstone himself noticed the marks left behind by Jesuit missionaries who had evangelized in the lands he was visiting before departing from the region close to a century before his own arrival. In his writings, Livingstone made mostly anecdotal references to these Jesuits, yet he believed he had observed enough of their legacy in southern Africa to enable him to comment on their missionary methods and achievements. While he praised the way the Jesuits financed their missions and the success they had in their educational work among native Africans, he was scathing about their failure to impart durable faith in their African converts, a failure he attributed to the Jesuits’ Catholic background and their associations with the slave-dealing Portuguese authorities.
Livingstone’s assessment of Jesuit success and failure in south central Africa calls for a deeper analysis. His verdict is best understood within the context of his own mission to Africa, more specifically as a Protestant evangelizer, an anti-slavery campaigner, and a pioneer of a commercial empire.1 Moreover, his experience as a medical doctor, a British consul, and an explorer also contributed to determining what he admired or criticized the Jesuits for. Protestant–Catholic competition, often marked by less than civilized language, is an essential element of the nineteenth-century Christian evangelization of the
Protestants and Catholics in Nineteenth-Century Africa
During the first half of the nineteenth century, most of the African interior was an open missionary field. Between 1818 and 1850, the Catholic presence was limited to fourteen locations, most of which were situated along the coast (Algeria, Egypt, Gabon, Natal, and Cape Colony) or on the islands (Madagascar, Mauritius, the Comoros, and the Réunion). There were only two Catholic initiatives in the interior during this time: in Ethiopia (established in 1836 and 1846) and Sudan (established in 1846). In the early part of the nineteenth century, the French journal Annales de l’Association de la propagation de la foi had sections containing extensive reports from Catholic missions in Asia and the Americas, but it reported literally nothing from Africa. A Catholic desire to penetrate the interior of Africa was itself aroused at least in part by increased Protestant missionary activity.2
In the period under consideration, Protestant churches and individuals took the lead in preaching the Gospel to native Africans in the interior. Dr. Johannes Theodorus van der Kemp (1747–1811), commonly referred to as Doctor Vanderkemp,3 was one of the first three pioneers of the London Missionary Society (lms) in southern Africa. He reached the Khoikhoi and the Xhosa in that region and even learned their languages. Moffat, who was a close follower of Vanderkemp, worked mainly among the Tswana people, translating the New Testament into their language. These Protestant missionaries had a free field without Catholic competition, and they thus made little or no reference to the Catholics. In the dedication of his book to His Royal Highness Francis Albert Augustus Charles Emmanuel, duke of Saxe (1819–61), Moffat praised the house of Saxony for standing by Martin Luther (1483–1546), whom he acknowledged as “the great Reformer,” and for offering him protection “against the power of
A key line of argument in this quotation is that, even if Jesuits were successful in social and economic areas of the secular order of things, such success could not make up for their failure to pass on the Christian faith to people in mission territories. Although a generalization, this assessment is critically important in Africa, where the Catholic faith the Jesuits preached and its public manifestation in practice had largely vanished from the regions that Livingstone visited in the middle of the nineteenth century.
The all-important question, however, for consideration in a periodical like ours is not what was the skill or success of the Jesuits as explorers, or rulers, or scientific teachers, or even promoters of civilization among wild and barbarous tribes, but what was the nature and character of their teaching as professed ministers and evangelists of Christianity. The utmost that their friends and admirers might wish to claim for them might be readily conceded in many secular matters, and yet there might be a woful [sic] defect in the substance of their spiritual teaching and their method of communicating it, which would make them hinderers rather than promoters of the Gospel. As extremes not unfrequently [sic] meet, it
might be that a cold, calculating political economist like John Stuart Mill could perceive in Jesuit operations concerning temporal matters what he could largely approve of, and yet that if their proceedings were weighed in the balances of the sanctuary they might be found to be of little or no value at all.6
Livingstone on Jesuit Missionary Economics in Africa
A Scotsman, Livingstone trained as a medical doctor, eventually becoming an anti-slavery campaigner, a Christian missionary, an explorer, and a British consul. As a missionary, his eyes were first fixed on China. He turned to Africa only after the Opium Wars (1839–42 and 1856–60) had denied him access to the country of his first missionary dream. It is said that, as a scientist and believer, he “saw no conflict between faith and scientific understanding.” His “Christianity had a strong practical bent” and his faith made him devote his “life to the alleviation of misery.”7 Livingstone’s rich background made him view his missionary activity in the broadest terms possible, thereby avoiding the secular–religious dichotomy that is apparent in the extreme position outlined above. In a speech delivered in Senate House, Cambridge, in 1857, he said, “I might have gone on instructing the natives in religion, but as civilization and Christianity must go on together, I was obliged to find a path to the sea, in order that I should not sink to the level of the natives.”8 He firmly believed
Given his broad disposition, the great missionary was well positioned to look at the Jesuits more favorably than some of his fellow missionaries, admiring them for their achievements in commerce and education and recommending them for Protestant imitation, even as he mourned their dismal performance in religion. He carefully observed Jesuit markings in south central Africa and missed no opportunity to mention them in his letters, speeches, and writings. He took note of nearly any mention of the Jesuits in south central Africa on any topic, however unsubstantiated the claims made about them appeared to be.
In an 1860 letter to Admiral Sir Frederick William Grey, K.C.B. (1805–78), Livingstone mentioned the doubtful existence of a silver mine “said to have been worked by the Jesuits of old,” which some members of his expedition were working tirelessly to rediscover.10 There is hardly any mention of Jesuit-owned silver mines or any silver mines at all in other sources related to the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century missions in the region. Elsewhere, Livingstone attributed the introduction of coffee and species of fruits and trees to Angola that he considered useful for timber to the Jesuits and other missionaries.11 In his estimation, mangoes, oranges, cashews, and other farm produce were “all fruits of the Jesuits’ labour.”12 The link between Jesuits and coffee, like that with silver mines, is somewhat problematic too. More recent authors date the introduction of the crop to Angola in the 1830s,13 yet, after their expulsion in 1759, Jesuits did not return to the country until 1967.
Livingstone was more accurate when it came to the other things he attributed to the Jesuits. While exploring the vast territory that constitutes Congo and Angola today, he counted more than twelve abandoned churches, which he believed had belonged to the Capuchins and the Jesuits. It is quite possible that Livingstone would have seen the church of Our Lady of Victory at Masanganu near Dondo, built by Paulo Dias de Novais (c.1510–89),14 the first Portuguese governor whom the Jesuits accompanied to Angola. He certainly saw the Church of Jesus and the College of Jesus in Luanda, the undisputed seventeenth-century Jesuit monuments in that city.15
I have been examining some of the old Jesuit Mission stations in the country, and the fruits of their labours. From all accounts the Jesuits were very exemplary in their lives, and devoted themselves to the instruction of the people conscientiously. The effect of their efforts is seen in the numbers who can read & write in the country. They teach each other now, and in the district of Ambaca it is considered a disgrace for any one to be unable to read. When the Jesuits were expelled from Portuguese territory by the Marquis of Pombal, the place of the Jesuits was supplied by a batch of the regular priesthood, with fine long beards. These were graceless bardies, who loved to tuck up their habits and join in the dances of the Natives […]. The people could tell nothing about these last batch except their fine beards.17
To this end, therefore, Livingstone was willing to cross all denominational boundaries to learn from previous missionary experiences. “In the early ages the monasteries were the schools of Europe,” he said, “and monks were not ashamed to hold the plough.”23 The Dutch clergy, who were “not wanting in worldly wisdom,” were a model to emulate too. With them,
would not be morally wrong, for nothing would be more fair, and apostolical too, than that the man who devotes his time to the spiritual welfare of a people should derive temporal advantage from upright commerce, which traders, who aim exclusively at their own enrichment, modestly imagine ought to be left to them.22
The admired monks were in Europe, and we are not sure where the Dutch clergy were, although they could have been in South Africa at that time. It is clear, however, that the Jesuits in south central Africa were the model missionary-traders in the imagination of Livingstone; in fact, the example of the Dutch clergy was just an illustrative footnote after a lengthy description of the Jesuits. Probably not without exaggeration, Livingstone said:
a fountain is bought, and the lands which it can irrigate parcelled out and let to villagers. As they increase in numbers the rents rise and the church becomes rich. With £200 per annum in addition from Government, the salary amounts to £400 or £500 a year. The clergymen then preach abstinence from politics as a Christian duty. It is quite clear that, with £400 a year, but little else except pure spirituality is required.24
In a similar vein, Livingstone was inclined to give a positive assessment of Jesuit work in Mozambique, even though he admitted that their performance there could not match up to that in Angola. Describing a former Jesuit settlement he saw about ten miles southeast of Tete, he confessed to have observed that “both judgment and taste had been employed in the selection of the site,” as indeed “in all their settlements.” Here, “a little stream of mineral water had been collected in a tank and conducted to their house, before which was a little garden for raising vegetables at times of the year when no rain falls.” Like their brethren in Angola, Jesuits in Mozambique are described as great traders:
The Jesuits, in Africa at least, were wiser in their generation than we; theirs were large influential communities, proceeding on the system of turning the abilities of every brother into that channel in which he was most likely to excel; one, fond of natural history, was allowed to follow his bent; another, fond of literature, found pleasure in pursuing his studies; and he who was great in barter was sent in search of ivory and gold-dust; so that while in the course of performing the religious acts of his mission to distant tribes he found the means of aiding effectively the brethren whom he had left at the central settlement. We Protestants, with the comfortable conviction of superiority, have sent out missionaries with a bare subsistence only, and are unsparing in our laudations of some for not being worldly-minded whom our niggardliness made to live as did the prodigal son.25
It is now known for certain that the Jesuits owned huge tracts of land in Mozambique. They may also have been traders as described, even though the degree of their economic success is open to question. As Jesuit historian William Francis Rea (1908–80) later demonstrated, the Jesuit missions in Mozambique were economically stressed and stood little chance of success even if the expulsion had not happened in 1759.28 However, this should not distract us from Livingstone’s key point about the economics of missionary survival, in which he believed Jesuits excelled. From this viewpoint, Livingstone would not endorse the summary assertions of the mid-seventeenth-century Angolan political class that “the fathers had deserted God in favour of Mammon.”29 Nor would he have been privy to the late nineteenth-century
selected for their village the most charmingly picturesque site in the country, and had reason to hope that it would soon be enriched by the lucrative trade rivers Zambesi and Luangwa pouring into it from the north and the west, and by the gold and ivory of the Manica country on the south.27
Livingstone on the Jesuit Christian Legacy in Africa
For Livingstone, the Jesuit failure to pass on a kind of faith that could propagate itself was seriously disturbing. While they preserved so many other Jesuit relics, native Africans had held tenaciously to their ancestral religion as though
The chapel, near which lies a broken church bell, commands a glorious view of the two noble rivers […]. It is an utter ruin now, and desolation broods around […]. The foul hyena has defiled the sanctuary, and the midnight-owl has perched on its crumbling walls to disgorge the undigested remnant of its prey. One can scarcely look without feelings of sadness on the utter desolation of a place where men have met to worship the Supreme Being, or have united in uttering the magnificent words, “Thou art the King of glory O Christ!” and remember, that the natives of this part know nothing of His religion, not even His name; a strange superstition makes them shun this sacred place, as men do the pestilence, and they never come near it. Apart from the ruins, there is nothing to remind one that a Christian power ever had traders here; for the natives of to-day are precisely what their fathers were, when the Portuguese first rounded the Cape. Their language, unless buried in the Vatican, is still unwritten.31
Livingstone was thus confronted with a serious question about what exactly went wrong with the missionary predecessors he so much admired. “Since the early missionaries were not wanting in either wisdom or enterprise,” he mused, “it would be interesting to know the exact cause of their failing to perpetuate their faith.”36 And, indeed, if the Ambacans could pass on the skill of reading and writing from one generation to another long after their teachers had been sent away, could they not have done the same with the faith of their evangelizers? To satisfy himself, Livingstone attempted a two-point response.
In the first part of his response, Livingstone judged that failure to pass the Christian scriptures on to native converts could have undermined the work of the Jesuits. Addressing them as “these our Roman Catholic fellow-Christians,” Livingstone argued that the Jesuits and the other Catholic missionaries in south central Africa had kept the Bible to themselves, leaving their converts with nothing that could have become “a light to their feet when the good men themselves were gone.”37 Indeed, there are records of catechisms and prayer-books authored or translated by Jesuits in seventeenth-century south central Africa,38 but there is no evidence of a Jesuit attempt to render the scriptures
Clearly, Livingstone viewed the Bible as key to any missionary success, and to the extent that the Jesuits failed to pass it on to native Africans, their missionary admirer could not recommend them for Protestant imitation.
a few Christians were left with nothing but the Bible in their hands; and though exposed to persecution, and even death itself, as the penalty of adherence to their profession, they increased tenfold in numbers, and are, if possible, more decided believers now than they were when, by an edict of the queen of that island, the missionaries ceased their teaching.46
John Eliot (1604–90) translated the Bible into the language of the now extinct Massachusetts Indians that lived around Boston (though not Choctaw, as Livingstone thought), which is utterly unusable except for archival display.49 Yet, missionary labor like that of Eliot, even when it does not produce tangible earthly fruit in the form of lasting conversions, remains a labor of love worthy of eternal reward. Here lies Livingstone’s missionary pragmatism, which would not allow him to throw too heavy a blow on the Jesuits.
Pity your Bible was not translated into negro language, the population is so large and fond of learning. They are an indistructible [sic] race, and, no mistake, they are very prolific. I have had doubts as to the imperishability of the Bechuanas. The Makololo are fast dying out, they don’t bring forth like the negroes. The Bakwains are ridiculously impotent. Several other considerations make me fear for their permanence, and with that fear the apprehension that your noble work of translation may come to the same end with Elliot’s Choctaw Bible, which lies on a shelf in one of the American colleges, a monument of devotedness an[d] zeal in a language which no living jaws can articulate nor mortal understand. If such a sad consummation should ensue, and I confess I have serious fears that the present Colonial policy tends to accomplish it, your labour of love will
be none the less appreciated by Him who placed you where you are, and whose smile of “Well done” will soothe the soul to everlasting peace.48
The second part of Livingstone’s response to his own question focused on the slave trade, a practice he considered alien to Africa. Livingstone had no doubt whatsoever that trade in humans was an evil introduced to Africa by the Portuguese, which then hindered the implantation of Christianity on the continent. If all the progeny of the whites were to leave Africa, he said, “their only memorial would be the ruins of a few stone and mud-built walls, and that blighted relic of the slave-trade, the belief which is not of native origin, for it is not found except in the track of the Portuguese.”50 He was further convinced that the operations of those systems that sanctioned slavery, be they of native or European origin, only perpetuated “barbarism,”51 which must be contrasted to the “civilization” that Livingstone himself so intricately linked to Christianity and to what later became known as legitimate commerce.52
In Livingstone’s view, the Jesuits, as indeed all early missionaries in south central Africa, were too enmeshed in the systems that sanctioned the trade in humans for their faith to be taken seriously by the natives they sought to convert. He first proposed this conclusion in the form of a question: “Can it be that the Missionaries of old, like many good men formerly among ourselves, tolerated this system of slave-making, which inevitably leads to warfare, and thus failed to obtain influence over the natives by not introducing another policy than that which had prevailed for ages before they came?”53 He quickly followed this tentative position with the more affirmative statement that a
In south central Africa, the Jesuits did more than wink at slavery and the slave trade together with their menacing consequences for native African populations. In Mozambique, they owned no fewer than seventeen big estates or prazos that were worked by an equally large number of slaves.55 It was mainly what remained of these estates that gave Livingstone an impression of “the riches of the fraternity, which were immense.”56 In Angola, the Portuguese colonial structure, imposed and sustained by force, existed with tacit Jesuit approval. As mentioned earlier, Dias de Novais, the founding Portuguese governor of Angola whose full title came to be “Governor and Commander-in-Chief, Founder and Conqueror of the Kingdom of Sebaste in the Conquest of Ethiopia of Lower Guinea,” enjoyed the counsel of the Jesuits, even though evidence of friction and outright disagreement appears between the religious men and their political patrons in later years.57 In the end, Angola as a Portuguese colony became what scholars have described as a “slave hunting-ground”58 and “the largest slave port in Africa.”59 Others have interpreted the Jesuit role in this development differently, with some assigning them a considerably more influential position. Historian and travel-writer Frederick Clement Christie Egerton, for example, viewed Jesuits as “missionaries of a sterner type, more austere living, and perhaps of a more decided purpose than the easy-going and tolerant clergy who had gone to Congo,” and therefore probably “less subject to illusions about the motives which led ambitious native leaders to express interest in Christianity.” He further contended that at some point Dias de Novais hoped to attain his ends in Angola by peaceful means, but the Jesuits who advised him “thought otherwise, and they were right.”60 John Thornton,
It is important again to emphasize Livingstone’s obviously tentative tone in this verdict. Even as he remained critical, he still understood that Jesuits tolerated trade as a way of making slaves “like many good men formerly among ourselves.” That he talked of a “system of slave-making” as opposed to slavery in general is intriguing. It can be said with certainty that Livingstone’s stand against the slave trade was absolute, and his desire to see its ending was immediate. However, his views about slavery were probably not as clear-cut. Statements like “By trading with Africa also, we should at length be independent of slave-labour, and thus discountenance practices so obnoxious to every Englishman” betray a degree of lenience, a certain hope that the practice would die out but gradually. Judging him to be “a facts man” who was realistic enough to put up with something that worked even if only with tolerable hardships, colonial administrator and author Philip Birkinshaw (1922–2014) observed in Livingstone “a surprising residue of sympathy for what one might call (by a stretch of imagination) ‘decent’ slavery and slave-trading.” Not that Livingstone found anything to justify slavery, let alone slave-trading, but that “his emotions did not simply rush ahead of the evidence but rather accompanied it, finding the whole business at first distressing and in the end, diabolic.”62 The Jesuits in south central Africa belonged to a certain age, and Livingstone seems to have judged them within their own context.
Livingstone’s Own Legacy
Despite his indubitable feats, Livingstone’s ambitious program for Africa was largely unfulfilled at the time of his death, making him more of a sower of seeds that others would reap than one who sat to enjoy the fruit of his
With only one recorded convert to write home about, Livingstone’s most important legacy in Africa, like that of the Jesuits before him, could not be in the form of Christian faith imparted to multitudes of native Africans. With years, the legacy scales tilted decidedly in favor of commerce. While the ethnographic and geographical information he generated about Africa’s interior was meant to open up the continent for Christianity, commerce, and civilization, he had no control over the manner in which his successors would put it into use. The now familiar charge, that Christianity pacified Africans and European civilization alienated them from their native cosmology and so exposed them to exploitation via imperial commerce, would have shocked Livingstone. Yet seeds of that development can be traced back to him and to other contemporary missionaries and explorers. Arguing that some missionaries never actually bothered to work for conversion, historian Denis Judd says “Livingstone, arguably the most famous of them all, was far more effective as a de facto agent of the Royal Geographical Society, and hence of imperial expansion, than as a
It would be harsh to conclude that Livingstone was a great promoter of trade but a failed Christian missionary. To look at his missionary career differently, we might re-evaluate the very standard against which he judged the Jesuits. It is quite possible that the Jesuits had greater success than Livingstone was actually disposed to seeing. In an article on Christianity in the Kongo Kingdom, Thornton makes a distinction between exclusive and inclusive concepts of Christianity, which might help us see the point. Whereas exclusive Christianity, such as was applied in the Spanish colonies in the Americas, required converts to abandon their own cosmology in order to receive new faith as it were on a clean slate, inclusive Christianity, as was applied in Kongo, was
BellachewBayetta. “A Brief Account of Coffee Production in Angola: A Quick Assessment.” Travel Report no. 11 Inter Africa Coffee Organization & African Coffee Research Network (June 2015). http://www.iaco-oiac.org/sites/default/files/travel_report_no_11_-_angola_0.pdf (accessed May 29 2017).
ClarkShanet. “Dr. David Livingstone: Cultural Approaches to an Important Victorian Figure.” Education Forum 2005. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?/topic/3895-dr-david-livingstone/(accessed May 29 2017).
See J.P.R. [John Peter Richard] Wallis, ed., The Zambezi Expedition of David Livingstone 1858–1863, 2 vols. (London: Chatto & Windus, 1956), 1: xi.
Ronald Werner, William Anderson, and Andrew Wheeler, Day of Devastation, Day of Contentment: The History of the Sudanese Church across 2000 Years (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 2000), 131.
See A.D. [Arthur David] Martin, Doctor Vanderkemp (London: Livingstone Press, 1931).
Robert Moffat, Missionary Labours and Scenes in Southern Africa (London: John Snow, 1842), i.
K., “On the Character of Jesuit Missionary Teaching,” Church Missionary Intelligencer and Record (July 1886): 529–44, here 530.
Willie Henderson, “Livingstone, David,” in Dictionary of African Biography, ed. Emmanuel K. Akyeampong and Henry Louis Gates Jr., 6 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 3: 510–12, here 510; see David Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa: Including a Sketch of Sixteen Years’ Residence in the Interior of Africa (London: Ward, Lock & Co., 1857), 4.
David Livingstone, David Livingstone and Cambridge: A Record of Three Meetings in the Senate House (London: Universities Mission to Central Africa, 1908), 9.
Wallis, Zambezi Expedition, 1: 157.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 346.
Isaac Schapera, ed., David Livingstone: Family Letters 1841–1856, 2 vols. (London: Chatto & Windus, 1959), 2: 277.
See Bayetta Bellachew, “A Brief Account of Coffee Production in Angola: A Quick Assessment,” Travel Report no. 11, Inter Africa Coffee Organization & African Coffee Research Network (June 2015), 1, available online at http://www.iaco-oiac.org/sites/default/files/travel_report_no_11_-_angola_0.pdf (accessed May 29, 2017); Yonah Seleti, “Finance Capital and the Coffee Industry of Angola 1867–1895,” Transafrican Journal of History 16 (1987): 63–77, here 63.
See Emanuel Cabaco et al., As Igrejas monumentos de Angola: Exposição fotográfica (Luanda: Festival Nacional de Cultura de Angola and Instituto Nacional do Património Cultural, 2014), 51–53.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 23; see Cabaco et al, Igrejas monumentos, 74–77.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 330.
Schapera, David Livingstone, 2: 255.
Ibid., 2: 284.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 30; also see Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 26.
Wallis, Zambezi Expedition, 1: xvi, xx, xxii–xxiv.
Shanet Clark, “Dr. David Livingstone: Cultural Approaches to an Important Victorian Figure,” Education Forum, 2005, available online at http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?/topic/3895-dr-david-livingstone/ (accessed May 29, 2017).
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 29.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 14.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 29n1.
David Livingstone and Charles Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition to the Zambesi and Its Tributaries; And of the Discovery of the Lakes Shirwa and Nyassa, 1858–1864 (London: John Murray, 1865), 203.
William Francis Rea, The Economics of the Zambezi Missions 1580–1759 (Rome: ihsi, 1976), 171.
Dauril Alden, The Making of an Enterprise: The Society of Jesus in Portugal, Its Empire, and Beyond, 1540–1750 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 217.
K., “Character of Jesuit Teaching,” 530.
Livingstone and Livingstone, Narrative of Expedition, 204.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 550.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 12.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 550.
Livingstone and Livingstone, Narrative of Expedition, 204.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 330.
In Angola, Mateus Cardoso (1584–1625) translated the Cartilla de la sagrada doctrina into Kikongo in 1624, and a catechism by António do Couto (d. 1666) was published in Kimbundu in 1642, whereas in Mozambique Livingstone learned that Jesuits had translated prayers into local languages. See Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 551, and José Vaz de Carvalho, “Angola,” in Diccionario histórico de la Compañía de Jesús: Biográfico-temático, ed. Charles E. O’Neill and Joaquín M. Domínguez, 4 vols. (Roma: ihsi, 2001), 1: 171–5, here 174.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 12.
John Calvin, A Treatise on Relics, trans. Valerian Krasinski, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh: Johnstone, Hunter & Co., 1870), 165.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 12.
Henderson, “Livingstone,” 510.
See Georges Tavard, Protestantism, trans. Rachel Attwater (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1959), 19–31. Sola scriptura, Latin for “by scripture alone,” refers to the theological position that Christian scriptures alone are the infallible rule of faith and practice, which was at the center of the Catholic–Protestant disagreements following the sixteenth-century Reformation.
See Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 17.
Schapera, David Livingstone, 2: 120.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 102.
K., “Character of Jesuit Teaching,” 544. “K” uses this term as he compares the Jesuits with Turkish Janissaries, who constituted a highly disciplined elite royal force in the Ottoman Empire and lasted from the fourteenth to the nineteenth century.
Schapera, David Livingstone, 2: 263; also see Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 15.
Schapera, David Livingstone, 2: 263n7.
Livingstone and Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition, 204; also see Wallis, Zambezi Expedition, 1: xiv.
Livingstone and Livingstone, Narrative of Expedition, 204.
See Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 12–13, 23–26; also see Robin Law, ed., From Slave Trade to Legitimate Commerce: The Commercial Transition in Nineteenth-Century West Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
Livingstone and Livingstone, Narrative of Expedition, 205.
See William Francis Rea, “Agony on the Zambezi: The First Christian Mission to Southern Africa and Its Failure, 1580–1759,” Zambezia 1, no. 2 (1970): 46–53, here 50; Malyn D.D. Newitt, Portuguese Settlement on the Zambesi (London: Longman, 1973), 89.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 551.
See Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 216–18.
John Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa: An African Church History, 2nd ed. (Nairobi: Paulines Publications Africa, 2009), 73.
James Duffy, Portugal in Africa (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1962), 59.
F. [Frederick] Clement C. Egerton, Angola in Perspective: Endeavour and Achievement in Portuguese West Africa (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1957), 44; also see Alden, Making of an Enterprise, 75–76.
John K. Thornton, “Conquest and Theology: The Jesuits in Angola, 1548–1650,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 1 (2014): 245–59, here 257.
Philip Birkinshaw, The Livingstone Touch (London: Macdonald, 1973), 123, see also 126.
Jack Simmons, Livingstone and Africa (London: English Universities Press, 1955), 153.
See Tim Jeal, Livingstone (London: Pimlico, 1993), 81–82.
Erin Rushing, “David Livingstone and the Other Slave Trade, Part i,” Smithsonian Libraries, 2013, available online at https://blog.library.si.edu/2013/09/david-livingstone-and-the-other-slave-trade-part-i/#.WCm98fl95PY (accessed May 29, 2017); also see Fred Morton, “Sechele i,” in Dictionary of African Biography, 5: 318–19.
Livingstone, Missionary Travels, 107.
Denis Judd, Empire: The British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present (London: HarperCollins, 1996), 88.
Fred L.M. Moir, After Livingstone: An African Trade Romance (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1924), 1. The author is one of two brothers who founded the company in 1877.
See Basil Williams, Cecil Rhodes (London: Constable, 1938), 166–67.
Clark, “David Livingstone.”
Wallis, Zambezi Expedition, 1: xi–xii.
From a communication signed by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, the secretary of state for the colonies, Lord Lugard, Lord Hailey, and others, appealing for funds to establish a Rhodes-Livingstone Institute of Central African Studies, published in African Affairs 36, no. 145 (1939): 531–32.
See John Thornton, “The Development of an African Catholic Church in the Kingdom of Kongo, 1491–1750,” Journal of African History 25, no. 2 (1984): 147–67, here 152; see also Thornton, “Conquest and Theology,” 246. In the latter article, the author speaks about “open” and “closed” versions of Christianity rather than “inclusive” and “exclusive” concepts of Christianity.
Thornton, “Catholic Church in Kongo,” 154.
Livingstone, Livingstone and Cambridge, 14.
Thornton, “Catholic Church in Kongo,” 148.