Abstract
It is a well-known fact that Africa continent is grappling with developmental challenges. The main objectives of this paper therefore are to examine the impact of neoliberalism on these developmental challenges and to encourage African leaders to take a bold and radical departure from the norm in order to chart a new course of development which will take the continent out of the woods of economic retardation and development deficit which envelope the region now. Drawing on the case study which centre on African realities and experiences, the paper discovered that the claim that neo-liberalism is the undisputable means of attaining economic development in Africa is an illusion. On the strength of this, the paper expands on the theory of assimilation with its concomitant smart or strategic protectionism through the adaptation of foreign technology, promotion of education and encouragement of entrepreneurship as means of genuinely engendering economic development in African. The research adopts qualitative and case study methodology. Similarly, the work embraces inductive research approach as the research process systematically focuses on finding answer to the question Of, What effective step can African governments take in order to candidly overcome the challenge of underdevelopment?
1 Introduction
Africa is made up of 54 sovereign nation-states, which account for about 17% of the world’s population. The continent produces 90% of the world’s platinum supply, 80% of the globe’s cobalt supply and 75% of the earth’s coltan provision. The region is also known as the repository of 60% of the world’s manganese, 50% of the world’s gold, 35% of the world’s uranium, and 15% of the planet’s crude oil.1 The richest diamond mines and other mineral resources such as copper, iron ore, tin, titanium, tungsten and bauxite are found in Africa too.
The paradox however is that the superfluous availability of these natural resources has not translated to positive development in the region, hence, the poor quality of life and low life expectancy of the citizenry. Africa accounts for only 9.6% of the global output and that is why the region has been adjudged the world’s poorest.2 By the World Bank poverty baseline, about 42% of Nigeria population and 41% of Angola population are living below poverty line as at 2021.3 This is significant because the two countries mentioned above are respectively, the first and second largest producers of oil and gas which are known as the most priced commodities in Africa.
Burgis had earlier described the precarious states of Africa’s development as he said that the Africa’s strove of natural resources, from the crude slicked home of Nigeria’s oil industry to the mineral-rich battlefields of Eastern Congo appeared to be a curse in the region.4 Similarly, Humphreys et al opine that “despite the prospects of wealth and opportunity that accompany the discovery and extraction of oil and other natural resources in Africa, such endowments all too often impede rather than advance balanced and sustainable development.”5
The reason for this contradiction is not unconnected with the region’s lack of industrial capacity to transform the natural resources and add value to them. This consign Africa region to the limbo of major exporter of natural resources. While natural resources constitute about 11% of European exports, 12% of Asia’s, and 15% of North America’s, export, they account for between 66 and 80% of the total export of Africa. Specifically, oil and gas constitute over 85% of Nigeria’s export and almost 83% of Angola’s total export.6 The major exports of Ghana are cocoa beans and gold while Zambia gets its major revenue from copper, and tobacco. The price vagaries which these raw commodities are subjected to make African economic condition more unstable.
In addition, many political pundits and observers of the development in Africa have advanced several factors to explain the economic retardation and development gap being experienced in the continent. For instance, scholars such as Walter Rodney have alleged that the influence of Western powers in Africa has been the major reason for lack of economic development in the region.7 They observe that the journey of Africa to perpetual economic dependency commenced right from the colonial period, when the Western powers promoted economic policy which created economic prosperity in the Western countries and engendered stunted economic growth in Africa.
After decolonization, the development gap continued in Africa because developmental agenda has always been a scripted process designed and defined by the dictates of the global capitalists and neo-liberalists.8 References are usually made to the events of the 1980s and 1990s when the western powers worked through the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to encourage Africa to embrace neoliberal policies. The policies, among other things, include free market system which compelled African nations to open their economies to the western countries that continued to flood African market with their commodities. One of the pernicious effects of this is the stifling of the growth capacity of African indigenous industries whose products could not favourably compete with the imported commodities.9
Consequently, neoliberal policies have attracted several criticisms from scholars, not only in Africa but across the entire Global South. Neoliberalism has been condemned as a failure because it has produced slow growth rate and retarded economic development in Africa. This has led to several anti- neoliberalist movements in many countries (although this is more popular in South America and Asia than in Africa) as alternatives to neoliberal policies have been suggested.
Despite the large number of critical works done against neoliberal ideas, neoliberalism is still commanding a very firm economic grip on the world stage due to the weaknesses inherent in the alternative models or theoretical lenses (such as Keynesianism and socialism) advanced against neoliberalism.
Hence, this study is proposing the theory of assimilation as a clear departure from the alternatives recommended so far, as a veritable way of guarantying the desired economic development of African region. The paper describes this as a better option than a radical overthrow of neoliberalism which some critics of neoliberal policy have advocated. The main objectives of this paper therefore are: to discuss the pernicious effects of neoliberalism on African development; to examine the reasons why alternative models to neoliberalism suggested so far have not been feasible; to sensitise African leaders about how some Asian nations, which also experienced colonialism like Africa countries, have broken the jinx of underdevelopment and to buoy up African governments to pursue the same deliberate and incremental path towards development so that development will not continue to be a mirage in the region.
2 Literature Review
This section, which deals with the review of literature on development in Africa, emphasises the centrality of development to the well-being of any society. The concept of development has attracted a lot of intellectual discourses, so much so that any attempt to discuss it again may make one to stand the risk of delving into a realm of an over-flogged issue. Nevertheless, it is assumed that under a normal circumstance, every society should have the opportunity of designing or charting the course of its own path towards achieving development.
This made Wilson define and conceptualize development as a process and practice which are shaped by home grown, indigenous, locally-informed and locally-driven human initiatives to meet local yearnings and aspirations through self-reliance, resource autonomy and ecological sustainability while respecting the fundamental freedoms and rights of all peoples and collectivities.10 This also propelled him to use the term “Indigenist” to describe home grown development. Jiabao corroborates this too as he posits that … development should not lose sight of the respect for sovereignty of nation-states to “seek development on their own terms.”11
But in a situation whereby what constitutes the development of a group of people is defined by another group or when development is caught up in the dominant thinking of another race, or when a group which claims to be helping others to develop is benefiting from their purported help and assistance more than the one that is being helped, one may question the authenticity of the development and regard it as being aberrant. This aberration is what some scholars refer to as “Coloniality of Development.”
According to Dei and Anamuah-Mensah, coloniality of development should be understood through the existing professionalisation of development in which a whole cadre of Western experts, specialists and scholars believe that they are the only ones that can define what development means to other races including Africa.12 A number of such western experts are still engrossed in colonial and racist thinking about Africa by believing that “Africa is a helpless race, it is a perpetual basket case, it is crisis ridden, it cannot get its house in order, it needs an imperial saviour because its mindset, cultural practices and traditions are a big hindrance to development.”13 The mind-set of the Western powers is that people of other races and other ethnicities cannot really comprehend what development is all about and thus, they must be assisted.
Sardar posits that coloniality of development should be conceived from the perspective of globalisation of colonial and re-colonial relation of development, resurgence of colonial dominant and the emergence of a new imperial order.14 It is a form of development that is shaped by the cultural phenomenon and the political agenda of the west. Dei laments and berates the understanding which conceives modernity as solely a European construction.15 To him, the imposition of particular modernizing world-views which is rooted in Euro-modernist idea of what it means to be developed is nothing but coloniality of development. The view of Dei here suggests that the way and manner which the tenets, values and beliefs of Euro-modernist world have shaped global modernity is regarded as inequality and unfairness.
While criticising the myth of development which is rooted only in Western terms, Tucker opines that “the model of development now widely pursued is part of the problem rather than the solution.” He says further that “the Western ideology of development distorts our imagination, limits our vision, and prevents us from appreciating the fact that human creative thinking is capable of imagining and implementing alternative ideas.”16 To Ndlovu-Gatsheni, anyone who wants to understand Africa developmental challenges must take cognisance of the historical, discursive and structural contexts of, imperialism, colonialism, decolonisation, neo-colonialism, modernity, neo-liberalism and globalisation.17 The problems of development which the continent is grappling with cannot be comprehended or appreciated unless one studies them from the perspectives of these historical forces.
In his own word, Bagura opines that the Global South (which includes Africa) is still enmeshed in the colonial legacy being perpetuated by the dominant discourse of North-South relation.18 He decries the challenge of continuing Northern complicity, meddling and complacency in the development for the Global South. Interestingly, Sachs also notes several years back, how many so called development studies and practice were victims of western perception of reality.19 Therefore, one cannot overemphasise the fact that a great challenge before Africa scholars now is how to demystify the dominant shadow which Eurocentrism has continued to cast over development discourse.
Cheru hits the nail on the head further as he frankly states that what is accepted as development in Africa is at best an imperial project, orchestrated and promoted by the dominant western powers, essentially to serve their selfish ends.20 Cheru notes that this coloniality of development has wrenched sovereignty out of the hands of African states and reduced them to the limbo of recolonisation rather than development.
Similarly, Pilger states that coloniality of development has made the Western powers to successfully hawk neoliberal discourses of development to Africa as a noble concept and a positive pathway to achieve economic development.21 While describing this as the “most powerful illusion of our time” Pilger describes the assumption as being deceptive, perverse and having opposite meaning. This thinking has always advanced development issues on the basis of the terms provided by Euro-American hegemonic discourse which has not worked for African development.
From the foregoing, it is obvious that a lot of scholars that have studied developmental issues in Africa have identified the undue influence of western powers as the major setback to development in Africa region. Nevertheless, there are some other scholars who believe that Africa nations and leaders should take responsibility for their developmental challenges. For instance, Munuleh argues that heaping the blame of Africa misery solely on external forces is rather naive.22 According to him, African leaders themselves failed to articulate the aspiration of their people and their traditional political system. Ogunde too has fingered African leaders as the architects of the underdevelopment and wide spread poverty which prevail in the region.23 He accuses African leaders of squandering the opportunities for development and looting the resources that are meant for development and to help their people.
In the same vein Kalu contend that one may not be right to say that Africans are victims of underdevelopment while in real sense, their leaders have contributed to the penury and misery which the people of the region are suffering.24 They accuse African leaders of some aberrant behaviour such as brutality, inefficiency, corruption and repression of any dissenting view. In their quest to promote economic growth, improve standard of living and shake off colonial autocracy, the post-colonial African states believed that developmental projects are to be delivered in an authoritarian style. This act of intolerance often has negative effects on their developmental projects which in many cases hit the rock.
Similarly, Robert Calderisi, is of the view that the developmental challenges plaguing Africa result from kleptocratic government, anti-business practices, cultural fatalism, mismanagement, corruption, tribalism and nepotism.25 On that premise, he advocated cutting of foreign assistance to Africa by half while the remainder should be given to the countries that strictly comply with neo-liberal democratic trajectory.
Suffice it to say at this juncture that some scholars who fingered the Western powers influence for African underdevelopment, particularly those who hinged African woes on the influence of neoliberalism, have criticised or challenged or rejected neoliberalism. Some of such scholars have even gone ahead to suggest alternatives to neoliberalism which they think, would form the basis of Africa development agenda. While some of them suggested a return to Keynesianism, some believe that a new form of socialism would do the magic. However, the fact that Africa is still enmeshed in humongous developmental challenges is a clear evidence that the alternatives suggested by the critics of the western imposed policies have not been effective. This gap is what this study intends to fill. Its main focus therefore is the introduction of the theory of assimilation which if skilfully applied can serve as indisputable leeway for African development.
3 Theoretical Framework
This study is guided by two different theories. These are the theory of coloniality of power and the theory of assimilation.
Coloniality of power is described as power that is colonial in its origin. It was first used as a global order in the work authored by Gonzalez Casanova in 1965 on internal colonialism.26 In the work, Gonzalez explains how colonial structures constituted the dominant features within the formerly colonised societies many years after their emergence as independent states.27 But the root of the contemporary usage of the concept is traced to Anibal Quijano who popularised it as he used it to describe the practices and legacies of European colonialism in social orders and forms of knowledge advanced in postcolonial studies as well as Latin American subaltern studies.28 Coloniality of power is understood as colonial matrix of power which can simply be described as the process of understanding the continuity of colonial forms of domination after the end of colonial administration in the formerly conquered territories. Other main exponents of the concept are Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel, Santiago Castro-Gómez, Ramón Grosfoguel, Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Catherine Walsh and Arthuro Escobar, among others.29
According to Quijano, the colonial structure of power brought about a caste system where the colonising European powers were ranked at the top and regarded as being superior to the conquered and colonised people whose culture and values were presumed to be inferior. This categorisation resulted in discriminatory discourse that continue to define the structure of postcolonial societies.
In addition, Coloniality of power which is based on Eurocentric system of knowledge, allocates production of knowledge to the Europeans and also prioritise the use of European ways of knowledge production.30 This reinforces the view of Quijano who posits that “the European hegemony over the new model of global power concentrate all forms of the control of subjectivity, culture and especially knowledge and the production of knowledge under its hegemony.”31 Contrarily, the enforced hierarchical structure encourages a simultaneous repression of traditional mode of knowledge production of the conquered people. In other words, there is a denial of the fact that the conquered people are also capable of knowledge production. This is why coloniality is understood to be the reproduction of the logic of injustice and inequality.
Contrary to the classical colonial and neo-colonial structure which lasted from the 16th–19th Centuries, the contemporary relations of coloniality deviate from territorial acquisition, direct extraction of natural resources or the exploitation of local slave labour. That is why Castro-Gómez explains that the first characteristic of the coloniality of power and perhaps the most general of all is the domination by means not exclusively coercive.32 Nonetheless, it remains the hidden side and integral part of contemporaneity. As an ongoing condition, coloniality of power continues to be the basis and justification for the European system of domination and the exploitation of the world resources through the various Eurocentric norms and characteristics of modernity. Hence, this theoretical framework would guide the discussion on the analysis of neoliberalism and its effects on Africa in this study.
4 Theory of Assimilation
Assimilation can be described as the process through which individuals and/or groups of differing heritages acquire the basic habits, attitudes, and model of life of an embracing culture. The model of life to be acquired in this case is technology. The major contention of the theory is that technology innovation is the key driver of improvement in productivity and the attendant economic growth. The concept posits that the transition of the East Asia Newly Industrialised Countries (NICs) from little or zero technology to become notable technology hubs could be attributed to; their ability to adopt and manage new technologies from the industrialised countries, their heavy investment in education at all levels and the promotion of entrepreneurship.33 In other words, the theory posits that the East Asian countries were able to develop because of their ability to bring their technology up to the level of the modern economies.
While the advocates of the accumulation theory believe that increase in capital input is the key driver of economic growth whereas improvement in technology can be regarded as merely an ancillary, the assimilationists opine that the capital input which the accumulation theory prioritise could work because it was spent on technology improvement. Therefore, the assimilationist believe that the main impetus of economic development is not improvement of capital input but the assimilation of technologies from those that possess them.
The apostles of this theory state that the growth rate of any nation hinges largely on the pace of technology innovation process possessed by the nation.34 They also posit that entrepreneurial spirit and rapid economic growth can be replicated by any developing country anywhere in the world like the Asian Tigers, if only the nation possesses their level of dedication.35 They add, however that economic success would not just be achieved by merely getting the greater percentage of the population educated, the government must be actively involved in playing a leading and critical role by promoting entrepreneurship and encouraging technology transfer. The fact that this can be achieved only when a country is opened to the world is an indication that the theory of assimilation is not seeking the obliteration of neoliberalism. Rather, it is only advocating a little deviation from unregulated free market. Some of the earliest proponents of this theory include scholars like Kawai, Sarel, Drysdale, Huange, and summers.36
This theory serves as a framework for the discussion of the later part of this research which examines the way forward for Africa. The application of the theory serves as a unique contribution to scholarship because it serves as a leeway for smart protectionism which this research is advocating. This is a deviation from other critics of neoliberalism who are offering alternatives that are not feasible in the contemporary international system.
5 Neo-Liberal Economic Policy
Neoliberalism can simply be defined as an economic model or political philosophy that emphasises that greater economic and social progress can be achieved when the government minimises its strict control or regulation over the economic issues of the individuals and the society and reduces taxes so as to prop up free market and free enterprises. It can also be conceived as a political/economic approach that favours free-market capitalism, deregulation, and reduction in government spending. The philosophy believes that limited government interference in economic issues will lead to technological innovation, expansion of free market and sustainable economic growth.
The features of neoliberalism have implications for the government, the economy, the society as well as individual. Some of the features include: –
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Minimizing government control over economic issues and boosting private sector ownership of factors of production.
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Deregulation, free enterprise, competition and the importance of individual responsibility.
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A drastic reduction in government spending.
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Removal of subsidy.
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Privatisation of state owned enterprises.
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Commercialisation of government Departments.
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Lower tax rate/removal of tariff hinderance to trade.
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Globalisation instead of heavily regulated market or protectionism.
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Belief that greater economic freedom leads to better economic and social progress for individuals.
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Free movement of goods, capital and people across nations.
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Disinterest in social equality.
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Minimising union power and greater flexibility in employment.
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Government interference when necessary to help implement, sustain, and protect free market activities.
Since 1900, activists have been using the word neoliberalism to connote global market liberalism (or capitalism) and free market policies. Fundamentally, neoliberalism is a theory of wealth creation. The adherents of the theory believe that the “State” is the root cause of penury and poverty in any given nation. It is believed that state activities such as a misguided public policy or evils of corrupt government, if not properly checked, may hinder economic prosperity. Hence, neoliberal policy posits that the state should reduce its involvement in free market and allow free movement of goods, resources and enterprises between nations as a means of promoting economic development.37 Its major objective is to reduce state interference in economic activities to the barest minimum and to promote maximisation of economic freedom for individuals.
Chang identifies neoliberalism as the main driver of globalisation, while globalisation itself can be seen as the effect and the move towards global neoliberalism.38 He submits that the correlation between neoliberalism and globalisation has hastened the exportation of the neoliberal policies to other parts of the world including Africa. Neo-liberal agenda was forced down the throat of Africa and other regions grappling with development issues by an alliance of the rich nations governments (which control the international economic institutions) and delivered by the ‘Unholy Trinity of the IMF, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO)’.39 While the World Bank and IMF played along by making the adoption of neoliberal policies the necessary condition for accessing their loans, the World Trade Organisation added its own addendum by formulating trading rules that align with neoliberal policies.40
One can therefore say without any equivocation that the imposition of neoliberalism on Africa is a clear demonstration of coloniality of power which presumes that Western cultures, including their capitalist economic system (neoliberalism), are the only truly modern cultures which must be forced down the throat of the formerly colonized states to help them develop. Thus, it can be seen as another form of medicine prescribed by the Western countries for the ailing economies of the countries in Africa. It is not original to Africa, neither did the countries in the region take part in designing its policies. This explains the reason it has not been able to promote economic development in the region. Rather, it has made Africa to remain in a colonial situation several decades after they purportedly put off the yoke of colonial administration. Some effects of this on Africa are analysed below.
6 The Effects of Free Market on African Economy
It is no longer news that colonialism left Africans and African economies in a very precarious situation. The main objective of the colonial economic policy was to exploit the abundant natural resources in Africa and export them to feed the growing industries in the West. This, coupled with the shipment of finished goods from the Western countries to Africa, contributed in no mean way to the collapse of many existing local industries in Africa. They succeeded in changing the taste of the middle and upper classes in Africa as the Europeans encouraged them to develop passion for European goods. In his work titled the Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon comments that “Africa’s colonial masters left behind a way of life completely decimated, a people traumatised and taught in colonial schools to detest everything about themselves: their skin, their languages, their dress and their customs. Even their gods were replaced.”41 Fanon went further to say that colonialism did not only succeed in holding Africa in its grip, it also oppressed the people, distorted their economies, disfigured their political structure and emptied the native’s brain of their pasts. Neoliberalism came to finish whatever colonialism left undone in wrecking the economy of Africa.
Many African countries were made to belief that the foreign aid which they were receiving was part of the dividend of globalisation and free market policies that they were required to embrace. But as the Western nations were giving the aid to Africa with one hand, they were using the other hand to milk Africa countries of their natural resources. An analysis of resource flows in and out of Africa show that the continent lost more resources each year than the total amount which it received in form of foreign aid. For instance, a 2017 report released by ‘Honest Account’ revealed that what Africa got in form of aid was about one third of the amount taken away from the continent by the multinational companies who deliberately misreported the value of their import and export in order to evade the payment of appropriate tax.42 Little wonder coloniality of power is understood to be the reproduction of the logic of injustice and inequality. Asides these illegal flows, Africa was also required to service its foreign debt which keeps increasing by the year. All these contributed to making Africa perpetual creditor to some international financial institutions and western nations.
In addition, the opening up of Africa’s market to the world without any form of hindrance, as dictated by neoliberalism, has given way for the entry of foreign goods of different kinds into Africa. Sometimes, the foreign goods were sold at cheaper prices than African made goods since the western companies enjoyed the advantage of large scale production.43 Consequently, so many local manufacturing industries whose products could not favourably compete with foreign products have been forced out of business. In Nigeria, the influx of Chinese textiles into the country has wrecked a great havoc on Nigeria textile industries. For instance, many textile factories that were noted for producing quality Nigerian textile materials in Lagos and Kaduna in the 1980s have been forced out of business. About 100 garment factories, textile companies and cotton spinning outfits, mainly, in the two Nigerian cities have collapsed. There have been repeated failed promises made by the Nigerian government to resuscitate some of the moribund textile factories. But even if they were revived, the big question is whether they could favourably compete with the foreign textiles which have captured Nigerian market. No thanks to the neoliberal principle which does not allow the government of the country to adopt any policy to protect infant industry. This scenario perfectly fits into the position of Quijano who describes coloniality of power as the living legacy of colonialism which perpetuates socio-economic domination even in contemporary societies.
The effects of free market on Nigeria has not manifested on textile industries alone. Many other industries were also affected. Some of them were car assembly industries such as Leyland, Peugeot automobile and Volkswagen, motor cycle assembly companies such as Suzuki, tyre manufacturing companies such as Michelin and Dunlop, as well as several electronic and household goods manufacturing companies. The collapse of these companies was partly due to unfavourable government regulations, occasioned by deregulation policies, as well as their inability to positively compete with foreign companies producing similar goods. Resultantly, thousands of Nigerian citizens lost their jobs and became impoverished and the impoverished citizens retreated into their ethnic and religious identity. The effect of this may have contributed to the prevailing intractable security challenges in the country.
Similarly, in the decade that followed its independence, the Kenyan government took a bold step to support the growth of manufacturing industries in the country. Credits and interest rate were subsidized for manufacturing outfits. Kenya textile and clothing industries such as Rivatext, mantext and Heritage Woollen Mills were part of the beneficiaries of this intervention efforts which led to a surge in the growth of textile and garment industry by 70%. According to Chang and Andreoni, this made textile industries one of the leading employers of labour in the country.44 However, the deregulation of Kenya’s market led to the enormous influx of used cloths locally known as ‘Mitumba’ which endangered the growth prospect and competitive nature of the textile sector in Kenya. The influx of foreign textiles in the 1990s drastically reduced the capacity of local textile mills by 50%. Consequently, factory closure and loss of jobs became the order of the day in Kenya.45
In the same vein, the 40% tariff cut on imported items which was foisted on Ivory Coast by the western powers in the 1980s led to the collapse of many chemical, textile, automobile and shoes industries in the nation. The ones that did not collapse totally were not performing optimally, resulting in high rate of unemployment in the country. In Zimbabwe too, the trade liberalisation which was introduced in the 1990s made many industries to go bankrupt. Consequently unemployment rate soared from 10% to 20%.46 The hope that there would be new entrepreneurs that would absorb the old ones is still kept aglow. In a nutshell, almost all African states experienced one form of economic retardation or the other because of a rapid, unplanned or blanket trade liberalisation which they embarked upon.
In addition, the reduction in government spending which was usually suggested by IMF or the World Bank to any nation going through economic crisis in Africa was counter-productive. The global financial institutions and their allied western powers always preached that a reduction in government spending would generate budget surplus and increase interest rate. They opined that the poor nations needed this firm guiding hand of IMF, which was also referred to as financial discipline, to secure macroeconomic stability that was needed for growth. Unfortunately, macroeconomic policies have not served the interest of many African countries because it has always hindered the ability of a country to invest and generate growth. Paradoxically, there are copious evidence to prove that the western nations that recommended budget surplus to Africa always tried to maintain budget deficit when they had their own economic crisis. This is a clear demonstration of the principle of coloniality of power which believes that all knowledge and production of knowledge is concentrated under the hegemony of the Western powers while the conquered people are not capable of generating idea about what suits their system best regarding economic growth.
Furthermore, the principle of comparative advantage being canvassed by trade liberalisation or free market connotes that each country should specialise in the production of commodities in which it can do better than others. The implication of this on Africa was enormous. The region has remained the producer of mineral resources to the neglect of manufacturing industry which is the main driver of economic development. The position of Africa as the largest exporter of mineral resources has made some western nations to continue to woo Africa as a bride. The relevance of Africa to the economic mainstay of the western nations encouraged them to keep inviting African leaders for meetings under the pretext that they were working for the growth of Africa. For instance, Japan engaged in inviting African leaders bi-annually to Tokyo for a conference on partnership cooperation between Africa and Japan. Similarly, China usually invited African leaders annually to Beijing as Germany was inviting them to Berlin. All these countries hinged their invitation of Africa on the pretext that they were interested in how Africa could develop. But the reality on ground was that they were befriending Africa because of certain advantages which they were getting from the region amongst which are; abundant raw materials, accessibility of the fastest growing market for finished products, ample availability of young population and the fastest growing middle class, but certainly, not because they were interested in boosting the industrial capacity of Africa.
Free market policy has decimated African economic growth so much so that the proportion of manufacturing output of Africa in the 1970s and early 1980s was higher that what it has been in 2020s. The Economic Intelligent Unit, a British business research group records that Africa accounted for more than 3% of global manufacturing production in the 1970s, but as at 2017, this percentage had been halved.47 According to Cheru, neoliberalism has made African leaders to lose the little policy control which they have left and strengthened the grip of imperial designs over African economies since what is accepted as development in Africa is basically imperial project.48 Moreover, pushing the state out of development project is an indication that the state is the major constitutive hindrance to development. Little wonder this experimentation has not succeeded in buoying up African development.
7 Criticism of Neoliberalism
Suffice it to say that the genuineness of the Western concocted neoliberalism and its attendant policies as the solution to the development gap in Africa has been met with scepticism from different quarters. The years that followed the financial crisis of 2008–2009 witnessed a drastic reduction in the number of literature that defends neoliberalism and an upsurge in critical works against the so called “Washington Consensus” Market fundamentalism have criticised the application of free market ideals in areas such as healthcare and education since they were regarded as public services rather than being driven by profit potential. The corporate dominance too has slammed neoliberalism for encouraging economic policies that accorded economic advantage to large corporations with almost monopolistic powers. Similarly, neoliberal policies have been criticised for promoting class-based economic inequality which prevented wealth from trickling down to the lower classes and in that wise perpetuated global poverty.49 The apostles of Keynesian theory too often argue that the macroeconomic instability and frequent financial and balance of payments crunches which nations witnessed is an indication that neoliberalism is fundamentally flawed. In fact, some have gone beyond the level of ordinary criticism and graduated to the stage of engaging in anti-neoliberalst movement (although this was more popular among the South America countries). The movement known as Post-neoliberalism or anti-neoliberalism has totally rejected neoliberalism and the economic policies embed in it. Some have also gone ahead to suggest alternatives to it.
In his criticism of neoliberalism, IsidroLuna posits that neoliberalism which is the last stage of capitalism has not succeeded in generating any economic growth or any human development.50 According to him, the poor economic and social performance of some nations that embraced neoliberal policy was an indication that political leaders needed to look for alternative to the policy. Isidro Luna like several other scholars has suggested possible alternatives to neoliberalism. Among the alternatives suggested are (1) a return to Keynesian policies, (2) a return to real socialism and (3) the experimentation of the 21st century socialism.
Despite these criticisms, neoliberalism remained the only dominant economic policy as well as the overriding modality of social and economic reproduction across the globe. Most of the countries which attempted to introduce alternative policies to neoliberalism have not succeeded. In other words, despite the declining political legitimacy of neoliberalism, it continued to be a resilient system of accumulation which cannot be dislodged suddenly. This is a clear indication that outdoing neoliberalism is challenging and costly too. This is why IsidroLuna opines that for any alternative to neoliberalism to be effective, it must display its economic superiority to neoliberalism, it must clearly address the concept of development, and must unambiguously state the ways and manner that the alternative could be achieved.51 This is why socialism and Keynesianism which were suggested as alternatives have not really been able to prove their mettle as credible alternatives to neoliberalism. Although the two alternatives may have been effective in the past, but the institutional framework in which they did well no longer exist. The two systems cannot withstand the encounters of the evolving contemporary challenges. For instance, the focus of socialism is basically the provision of social needs instead of economic development and national prosperity. Second, it may be impossible to practice socialism without changing the democratic power structure of the state. In addition, the inability of Keynesian theory to adequately address or explain the long economic downturn of the 1970s made people to cast aspersion on the school of thought as haven outlived its relevance. The confusion and theoretical conflicts which the Keynesians went into then contributed to their increasing paralysis and their ultimate inability to provide a clear ideology that can comfortably serve as alternative to neoliberalism. It is on this premise that this research is suggesting assimilation theory as a feasible economic policy that can exhume Africa from its present state of economic doldrums.
8 Way Forward for Africa
Unlike the other alternatives, the theory of assimilation is not seeking a radical overthrow of neoliberalism which may not be feasible or at least, be an easy thing to achieve. The theory places emphasis on adoption of foreign technology by a country through whatever means available such as buying, borrowing or counterfeiting, from those who poses it to help build the local industry. It also places high premium on the importance of education and the promotion of entrepreneurship as being very strategic in a nation’s quest for economic development. The sustainable economic growth of the newly industrialised countries in East Asia is associated with these three factors among others. Assimilation theory states that the developing nations can take insight for transformation from the development story of the Asian Tigers. Although it may not be possible for a nation to precisely replicate the case of the East Asian states as a sure means of success, yet, having the knowledge of the mechanisms that led to the success of each country in the region can offer an appreciable insight for the transformation of African countries.
On the strength of the theory of assimilation, this research is canvassing what is referred to as “Smart Protectionism” or “Strategic Protectionism” or “Sophisticated Protectionism.” Smart or strategic protectionism does not imply that neoliberal policies would be discarded altogether. After all, every nation still needs some aspect of neoliberal policy, particularly international trade, without which a nation cannot rise to economic prominence. Smart protectionism involves the formulation of certain policies by the state that would favour the adoption of foreign technology, promotion of education, encouragement of entrepreneurial skills and the protection of the budding local manufacturing industries. This may include the imposition of temporary tariff for the purpose of partially insulating the local industries from the negative effects of competition and cheap imports from foreign countries. It may also involve the use of import substitution or relaxation of patent policy in the developing nation.52
Following the examples of many East Asian countries, African nations can borrow /buy technology from other countries to speed up their economic growth. This is part of the secret of countries like South Korea and Japan. Both countries engaged in a lot of technology counterfeiting before they got to their present stage. As a matter of fact, South Korea did not just expose its infant industries to competition after acquiring foreign technology. The country juxtaposed open trade with policy that protected the local industries. However, the areas of protection were constantly changing as the infant industries were developing to withstand international competition.53 Asides the East Asian countries, some European nations also engaged in borrowing technology at different stages of their growth. For instance, towards the end of the 19th century, the Swiss borrowed chemical and pharmaceutical technologies from Germany. Philips, a Dutch company also began electricity bulb production, using the patents borrowed from Thomas Edison-the American inventor of light bulb.54
For African nations to scale up from their present low industrial capacity, they need technological capabilities. Every effort must be made by African governments to promote and encourage continuous importation of advanced technology and adapt it to suit their local needs as the industrial development objective require. The engagement of African states in globalised trade so far has exposed them to advanced technology which they could explore to their own advantage. Moreover, the windfall from the commodity boom which Africa states have been experiencing for some time now could be judiciously spent to acquire new technology so as to develop their industrial sector. Unfortunately African leaders have not made optimum use of this opportunity. That is why some experts have attributed the economic challenges of the African region to lack of foresight on the part of their leadership.
According to Chang, African leaders need to embark on “Transformative Industrial Policy for Africa.”55 In his opinion, Chang said that what Africa leaders need is policy imagination or creativity in crafting policies rather than being bound by any single theoretical policy created by the Western powers which does not take Africa interest into consideration. Each country in the region can determine the area of industrial growth where it can do better and encourage private entrepreneurs to invest in it. Policies can be made to create enabling environment for the industries to thrive and get protected from competition that may endanger their survival. This may require the imposition of temporary tariff for the purpose of partially insulating the local industries from the negative effects of competition and cheap imports from foreign countries. It may also involve the use of import substitution or relaxation of patent policy. Even in the areas where foreign companies are allowed to operate, local content policy can be strictly applied. Extant records repeatedly show that the most important thing that differentiates rich nations from the poor ones is that the rich nations have higher capability in the area of manufacturing industry where productivity is usually higher than extractive industry. One can say without any equivocation that promotion of industrialisation or entrepreneurship is the low side of African nations now and they cannot get out of this while they remain in their cocoon.
It is equally essential for the political leaders in the region to appreciate the fact that transfer of technology or transformative industrial drive demands more than the acquisition of machines, patents, and operation manuals. Acquiring most suitable technology as well as the competences to adequately and efficiently make use of the technical resources are also crucial aspects which need to be taught and learned. Otherwise, half-baked knowledge of the technology will take them back to zero level where they have been.
Promotion of education is another area which African leaders need to focus their attention on. Any effective or genuine approach to development in Africa must place significant priority on education and make significant investment on it across all levels up till higher education. For the purpose of building local technology, it is important that most investment in this direction is focused on science and technology that is rooted in local culture and knowledge. This will lead to highly educated labour force. A disciplined and educated labour force is very paramount to the achievement of positive economic outcome. In line with this, African leaders need to promote research and development in their universities and research institutions. Africa cannot experience development without spending stupendously on research. While the rest of the world spends about 2.6% of their GDP on science and technology, research and innovation, Africa is spending far less than that and that is why the region is lagging behind in Science and technology and local knowledge as well. In 2008, Berkes stresses the importance of the exploration of the local and Indigenous knowledge as a complement to scientific environment and its cultural and political significance for indigenous groups themselves.56 He posits further that “Indigenous knowledges have their component in science, mathematics, technology, arts, humanities and literatures.” This is what brings a broader understanding to “social ecology.”
One of the major factors that aided the development of the East Asian countries was the priority which they gave to education more than the other low income nations. As from the 1960, the average proportion of their population which had secondary education was higher than what other developing countries had. More attention was further given to education when heavy industry started to expand in the region. Africa nations cannot do less if they have any genuine plan for economic development.
9 Concluding Remarks
While bemoaning the economic debacle which neoliberalism has plunged Africa into, this paper has also rejected the alternatives being suggested by some critics of neoliberalism for advocating a radical departure from neoliberal economic policy which may plunge Africa economy into a deeper economic quagmire. Consequently, the paper has ridden on the strength of the theory of assimilation to encourage African leaders to adopt the economic strategy of the East Asian countries in order to achieve sustainable economic development. It has advocated the application of selective liberalisation rather than unregulated neoliberal policy. While selective liberalisation will still allow free trade and international conglomerate to operate in the country, the foreign conglomerates will only be allowed in the area where their existence could not jeopardise the growth of the local industries. Had Japan embarked on free and unregulated liberalisation and allowed FDI to eclipse its automobile industry in the 1960s, Toyota which is the hall mark of its manufacturing industry today would have been eclipsed or at best been a subsidiary of another big car manufacturing company.
Economic development may not take place in Africa unless some conservative economic policies are conceived and implemented. Therefore African governments need to prioritise strong regulations. Left to the free market economists, the policy which states that nations should stick to what they are good at producing, should continue to hold sway. If this remains, Africa that is now known as the major producer of mineral resources will continue to be at the dregs of economic development. This paper is also appealing to African leaders to decolonise their minds and have confidence in themselves. The role of the government in industrial development of any nation cannot be undermined because all that have been suggested here as the way forward for Africa boils down to the ability of African leaders to be courageous enough to take this alternative path in the interest of their nations. Therefore, leadership in Africa needs to be revolutionised. It is high time the continent got off the hook of inferiority complex of believing that any idea conceived in the west is always better that the one generated in Africa. History has proved time and again that the greatness of a nation is linked to the quality of its leadership. It is only a good, bold and visionary leader that can identify the needs of his nation and put them above any other parochial or egoistic interest. Sound governance system is very crucial to exhuming a nation from the abyss of underdevelopment and putting it in the comity of respected developed nations. A successful implementation of assimilation policy as suggested here calls for a bold step, ownership of the processes and unalloyed commitment to its success by African governments.
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