Worlds of Paper: An Introduction


In: Early Science and Medicine

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  • 3

    Isabelle Charmantier, “Carl Linnaeus and the Visual Representation of Nature,” Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 41 (2011), 365–404; Isabelle Charmantier and Staffan Müller-Wille, “Carl Linnaeus’s Botanical Paper Slips (1763–1774),” Intellectual History Review 24 (2014), 215–238; Matthew D. Eddy, “Tools for Reordering: Commonplacing and the Space of Words in Linnaeus’s Philosophia Botanica,” Intellectual History Review 20 (2010), 227–252; Staffan Müller-Wille, “Collection and Collation: Theory and Practice of Linnaean Botany,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 38 (2007), 541–562; Staffan Müller-Wille, “Linnaeus’ Herbarium Cabinet: A Piece of Furniture and Its Function,” Endeavour 30 (2006), 60–64; Staffan Müller-Wille and Isabelle Charmantier, “Natural History and Information Overload: The Case of Linnaeus,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 43 (2012), 4–15; Staffan Müller-Wille and Sara Scharf, “Indexing Nature: Carl Linnaeus and His Fact-Gathering Strategies,” Svenska Linnésällskapets Årsskrift 2011 (2012), 31–60.

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  • 4

    One can cite Matthew Hunter, “Robert Hooke Fecit: Making and Knowing in Restoration London” (PhD dissertation, University of Chicago, 2007); Anke te Heesen, “Boxes in Nature,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 31 (2000), 381–403; Richard Yeo, “Loose Notes and Capacious Memory: Robert Boyle’s Note-Taking and Its Rationale,” Intellectual History Review 20 (2010), 335–354; Richard Yeo, Notebooks, English Virtuosi, and Early Modern Science (Chicago, 2014).

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  • 8

    Rivers, “Memory, Division, and the Organisation of Knowledge,” 153.

  • 14

    Ann Blair, “Note Taking as an Art of Transmission,” Critical Inquiry 31 (2004), 85–107; Le Goff, Intellectuals; Henri-Jean Martin, Jean Vezin, and Jacques Monfrin, Mise en page et mise en texte du livre manuscrit (Paris, 1990).

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  • 16

    Le Goff, Intellectuals, 85–86.

  • 18

    Adrian Johns, “How to Acknowledge a Revolution,” The American Historical Review 107 (2002), 106–125. See Eisenstein’s response to Johns in Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, “An Unacknowledged Revolution Revisisted,” The American Historical Review 107 (2002), 87–105. See also Anthony Grafton, “How Revolutionary Was the Print Revolution?,” The American Historical Review 107 (2002), 84–86.

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  • 25

    Eric Garberson, “Libraries, Memory and the Space of Knowledge,” Journal of the History of Collections 18 (2006), 105–136; Claire Richter Sherman, Writing on Hands: Memory and Knowledge in Early Modern Europe (Seattle, 2001); Richard Yeo, “Before Memex: Robert Hooke, John Locke, and Vannevar Bush on External Memory,” Science in Context 20 (2007), 21–47; Yeo, “Loose Notes and Capacious Memory.”

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  • 26

    See for example Paul Saenger, “Colard Mansion and the Evolution of the Printed Book,” The Library Quarterly 45 (1975), 405–418.

  • 29

    Nils Ekedahl, “Collecting Flowers: Linnaean Method and the Humanist Art of Reading,” Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Symbolae Botanicae Upsalienses, 33 (2005;Special Issue: Species Plantarum 250 Years: Proceedings of the Species Plantarum Symposium held in Uppsala August 22–24, 2003), 51–52.

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  • 33

    Ann Blair, “Reading Strategies for Coping with Information Overload ca. 1550–1700,” Journal of the History of Ideas 64 (2003), 11–28, 25–26.

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  • 35

    Pinon, Livres de zoologie, 34.

  • 36

    Laurent Pinon, “Entre compilation et observation: l’écriture de l’Ornithologie d’Ulisse Aldrovandi,” Genesis 20 (2003), 53–69.

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  • 42

    Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, 1.

  • 44

    Quoted in Blair, Too Much to Know, 56.

  • 47

    John Louis Heller, “Linnaeus on Sumptuous Books,” Taxon 25 (1976), 33–52.

  • 50

    Peter R. Anstey, “Locke, Bacon and Natural History,” Early Science and Medicine 7 (2002), 65–92, 71.

  • 51

    Peter R. Anstey, “Locke, Bacon and Natural History,” Early Science and Medicine 7 (2002), 73–83

  • 52

    Peter R. Anstey and Stephen A. Harris, “Locke and Botany,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 37 (2006), 151–171; Stephen A. Harris and Peter R. Anstey, “John Locke’s Seed Lists: A Case Study in Botanical Exchange,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 40 (2009), 256–264.

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  • 53

    Mary Terrall, “Following Insects Around: Tools and Techniques of Eighteenth-Century Natural History,” The British Journal for the History of Science 43 (2010), 573–588; Elizabeth Yale, “With Slips and Scraps: How Early Modern Naturalists Invented the Archive,” Book History 12 (2009), 1–36; Elisabeth Décultot, ed., Lire, copier, écrire. Les bibliothèques manu­scrites et leurs usages au XVIIIème siècle (Paris, 2003).

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  • 57

    Judith Hopkins, “The 1791 French Cataloging Code and the Origins of the Card Catalog,” Libraries and Culture 27 (1992); Markus Krajewski, Paper Machines: About Cards and Catalogs, 1548–1929 (Cambridge, MA and London, 2011).

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