Abstract
This article completes the discussion of the Classical/Hellenistic harmonic system set out in Lynch 2022a. Taken jointly, these articles offer the first account of the use of notation keys in the Hellenistic musical documents that is fully consistent with technical evidence as well as literary testimonies about the harmonic innovations of the New Musicians. This article offers practical analyses and new modern transcriptions of the Ashmolean Papyri (DAGM 5–6) and Athenaeus’ Paean (DAGM 20) – scores that reflect the modulation system of the New Music and its characteristic use of ‘exharmonic’ and ‘chromatic’ notes. The analyses offered in this article are powered by a newly-developed database (dDAGM) and show that these seemingly ‘exharmonic’ notes correspond to the chromatic ‘bends’ first identified in Lynch 2018a. These ‘bends’ (kampaí) ‘distorted’ the central pillars of the noble Dorian harmonía and turned it into its polar opposite: the Mixolydian, the emotional and lamenting mode par excellence.
In grateful memory of Andrew Barker: κοινὰ γὰρ τὰ τῶν φίλων.
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This article shows how the theoretical and practical evidence discussed in Lynch 2022a sheds light on the melodic idioms attested in key Hellenistic musical documents related to the New Music: the tragic musical fragments recorded in the Ashmolean Papyri (DAGM 5–6) and Athenaeus’ Paean (DAGM 20). These practical examples of music making will illustrate clearly the close, if at times complex, relationship that linked professional notation keys (tónoi) with the traditional Greek modes (harmoníai). The analyses offered in this article will also outline a broader theoretical framework that not only accounts for the most prominent notes attested in these pieces but also offers a straightforward explanation for the remarkably frequent use of ‘exharmonic’ notes in these pieces – notes that are seemingly at odds with the basic harmonic setting of these compositions.1
1 The Ashmolean Papyri: DAGM 5 (Sophocles Jr. Achilleus?) and DAGM 6
Most of these little papyrus scraps preserve a handful of notes each, and very few stretch to over ten consecutive notes. In spite of their highly fragmentary state, these documents outline a remarkably stable harmonic picture that is solidly anchored to the basic Dorian harmonía framework that was typical of Classical Greek music (c–f–g–c’, see Figure 1).2
Most of these fragments are notated in a key that Pöhlmann and West identify as a ‘Hypodorian or Hyperphrygian’,3 notation tónoi that overlap in the region that corresponds to the central octave of the Dorian key C3–C4.
The Hypodorian interpretation is, however, preferable for several reasons. First, the most frequent note in the Ashmolean fragments is Dorian mésē F3 with 81 occurrences. In accordance with the broader Dorian record (Lynch 2022a, Figure 5), the clear melodic prominence of Dorian mésē
Secondly, the highest note recorded in these fragments is C4, i.e. the upper limit (nḗtē diezeugménōn) of the basic Dorian octave employed on Classical lyres and kithárai as well as the upper note of Classical modulating auloí.8 In contrast, a Hyperphrygian interpretation would by definition require notes higher than C4 – that is to say, notes that were not included in the basic lyre and aulos tunings in Classical times. As shown in Figure 1, the defining tone of the Hyperphrygian key c’–d’ falls above the central Dorian octave and into the grey zone and is not attested in the Ashmolean fragments.9 These ‘irregular’ features tally well with the contested status of the Hyperphrygian key as a late addition to the Classical core of the Greek harmonic system that was closely related to the innovations introduced by the New Musician Philoxenus. In keeping with this, Aristoxenus coined a new term, Hypermixolydian, to identify this ‘new’ high-pitched scale – a term that reflects an attempt to bridge the gap between the traditional system of harmoníai and the new notation tónoi.10 In §2, we shall see that the defining tone of the Hyperphrygian key (C4–D4) plays a central role in the markedly Phrygian context of Athenaeus’ Paean. Its absence from the Ashmolean Papyri therefore points to a Hypodorian setting.
Given the highly fragmentary state of Ashmolean Papyri, however, the absence of the characteristic Hyperphrygian tone C4–D4 may nevertheless be accidental, so we cannot draw too firm a conclusion solely on this basis. The same point does in fact apply also to the defining tone of the Hypodorian notation key, C3–D3. But, unlike the Hyperphrygian key, the central octave of the Hypodorian tónos allows us to account for the note that is most frequent in these fragments after Dorian mésē
The background of the New Music allows us to make sense of another prominent, if seemingly ‘extraneous’ note attested in these fragments:
But the tragic nature of the lyrics recorded in the Ashmolean papyri suggests that these songs were originally accompanied by auloi14 – instruments that were notoriously flexible in pitch and could produce different chromatic shades by small variations in fingering and embouchure.15 The unique expressive role of the chromatic note
DAGM 5.1 is a piece of ‘unmistakably tragic character’,16 and is especially significant in that it illustrates how exclamations typical of tragic laments such as
In line 4 of DAGM 5.1 (Figure 2A), the chromatic note
As mentioned above, auletes could easily produce different chromatic ‘colourings’ of most notes by subtle changes in fingering or embouchure. Professional kithara players, in contrast, devised a special key (stróbilos) that allowed them to physically ‘bend’ the tuning of one of the central fixed notes of the Dorian harmonía, either
The insistent alternation of
As shown in Lynch 2018a, such a ‘loosening’ of Dorian paramésē G3 turns the Dorian harmonía into the lamenting mode par excellence, the Mixolydian (Figure 3). This is again consistent with ancient evidence about tragic music: as Aristoxenus reports, tragedians ‘took the Mixolydian harmonía and joined it together (
In the fundamentally diatonic context of lyre music, such a modulation from Dorian to Mixolydian could in principle be notated with signs belonging to the Dorian/Hyperdorian tónoi (Figure 3), but these notation keys are not entirely appropriate for the tragic music recorded in the Ashmolean fragments. First, these tónoi feature the diatonic versions of the notes Eb3 (
According to Pöhlmann and West, these noteworthy discrepancies are “symptomatic of the inadequacy of handbook theory to accommodate the modal variety of actual music in the late Classical period” (Pöhlmann and West 2001, 25). This is indeed the case but we can bridge the gap between ancient theory and practice thanks to the surviving evidence about the Classical harmoníai preserved by Aristides Quintilianus. His transcription of the Mixolydian mode is especially noteworthy, in that it features a crowd of small intervals at the bottom of the scale followed by large undivided tritone at the top (see Appendix 2). As we read in the pseudo-Plutarchan De musica, the odd structure of this mode posed substantial challenges to Classical musicians, who struggled to produce a theoretically cogent account of its inner organisation based on tetrachords:22
ἐν δὲ τοῖς Ἱστορικοῖς †τοῖς Ἁρμονικοῖς Πυθοκλείδην φησὶ τὸν αὐλητὴν εὑρετὴν αὐτῆς γεγονέναι, αὖθις δὲ Λαμπροκλέα τὸν Ἀθηναῖον, συνιδόντα ὅτι οὐκ ἐνταῦθα ἔχει τὴν διάζευξιν ὅπου σχεδὸν ἅπαντες ᾤοντο, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ ὀξύ, τοιοῦτον αὐτῆς ἀπεργάσασθαι τὸ σχῆμα οἷον τὸ ἀπὸ παραμέσης ἐπὶ ὑπάτην ὑπατῶν.
[Plut.] Mus. 1136d7–e2
In their historical works, the harmonikoí say that the aulete Pythocleides invented it [scil. the Mixolydian mode] but then again Lamprocles the Athenian, realising that this harmonía did not have its disjunction where almost everyone supposed it to be, but that it actually stood at the top of the scale, gave it a form such as the one that runs from paramésē to hypátē hypatôn.
Figure 4 illustrates this problem more clearly. ‘Almost everyone’ mistakenly identified the disjunction of the Mixolydian mode with the interval eb–f, which is roughly midway through the scale and is close to two groups of ‘packed notes’ (pykná) that typically occurred at the bottom of each tetrachord. But this naturalistic interpretation does not organise the notes of the Mixolydian mode into regular tetrachords spanning a fourth, and therefore posed a significant obstacle to the development of systematic modulations between the harmoníai. This problem was eventually solved by the 5th-century aulete Lamprocles, who first identified the functionally correct mésē of the Mixolydian mode with a silent note Bb – a note that falls within the large undivided tritone at the top of the scale and produces the standard form of the Mixolydian octave: St T T St T T T in diatonic (Figure 3) or qq D qq D T in enharmonic (Figure 4, number 2). This is the ‘form’ of the octave mentioned at the end of the passage quoted above.
Making a significant leap of abstraction, Lamprocles succeeded in creating a theoretically grounded account of the structure of the Mixolydian mode, moving beyond the immediate sounds featured in this scale and identifying its key reference point with a silent note bb – a note that was rarely, if ever, heard in performance.23
Lamprocles’ identification of Mixolydian mésē with the silent note bb made it possible to identify this mode with the Hyperdorian notation tónos, but his clever analysis had a major shortcoming too. His well-formed Mixolydian octave could not account for the note eb, a note that was so characteristic for the traditional Mixolydian mode to be mistakenly identified as its defining mésē by Lamprocles’ predecessors. This characteristic note now had to be regarded as an ‘exharmonic’ addition to the basic Mixolydian octave: an extra ‘diatonic’ note added alongside a full pyknón24 and set approximately a tone below Dorian mésē f.
Thanks to Ptolemy’s account of the fine tuning of many traditional modes played on kithárai, however, we know that this characteristic Mixolydian tone eb-f differed from standard disjunctive tones in a very practical sense too: it was a so-called septimal tone (8:7, ~231 cents),25 an interval that was very common in Greek musical performances but is slightly larger than the standard tones that separated mésē from paramésē (9:8, ~204 cents).26
Hence, the characteristic Mixolydian note eb was flattened by about a sixth of a tone, in comparison to the standard Dorian diatonic model. And this is precisely where we find the seemingly ‘exharmonic’ notation sign
The resulting tuning integrates the typically Mixolydian, if seemingly ‘exharmonic’ note
Coupled with Dorian mésē
Alongside the defining tone
In this context we also find the only sound reading of Phrygian
As mentioned above, auletes could easily produce such variations in tuning shade, whereas kithara players had to choose one of these diatonic options when tuning their instruments in advance of a performance. As shown in Figure 7,36 both diatonic alternatives are included in the traditional Dorian kithara tunings recorded by Ptolemy (Harm. 80.11–18)37 and these traditional tunings are perfectly compatible with the modes reconstructed in Figure 5. Just like the lower tetrachord of the Dorian ‘Archytan’ harmonía reconstructed in Figure 5, the lower tetrachord (c–f) of the first Dorian tuning recorded by Ptolemy conforms to Archytas’ diatonic division (28:27, 8:7, 9:8), the most common diatonic shade throughout antiquity.38
In contrast, the lower tetrachord (c–f) of the second Dorian tuning described by Ptolemy features a ‘soft diatonic’ division, which comprises a septimal chromatic semitone at the bottom of the scale (~84 cents) and a septimal tone at the top, Eb3–33–F3–2 (~231 cents). This second tuning therefore made it possible to reproduce the characteristically Mixolydian note Eb3–33 on stringed instruments too – an ‘exharmonic’ diatonic note that could be unambiguously notated as
All in all, the swift alternations between the soft chromatic and diatonic scales attested in the Ashmolean fragments, coupled with ‘bendings’ and frequent modulations, give us a taste of the New Musicians’ fondness for mixing different harmonic genera as well as different harmoníai in the same piece – much-discussed and distinctive features of their experimental style.40
2 Athenaeus’ Delphic Paean (DAGM 20)
In spite of its 2nd century dating, the sophisticated musical style of Athenaeus’ Paean has long been identified as reflecting some defining features of the New Music: its ‘scintillating melodies’ (aióla mélea, Col. 1 14) stretch over a wide compass and include many different notes, frequently shifting between diatonic and chromatic genera as well as conjunct and disjunct tónoi.
The free astrophic form of this piece enabled the composer to exploit fully these elaborate melodic means to “enhance the expressive value of the words”.41 As we shall see, Athenaeus’ Paean offers many fine examples of musical mimesis and word painting in action, including direct references to the rich instrumental accompaniment of this choral song which exceptionally featured both a ‘clear-braying pipe’ (
The rhythm of this piece is, in contrast, very simple, and is fittingly based on metrical paeons. This combination of elaborate melodies and simple rhythms was a defining trait of the experimental music valued by late Classical audiences, and the polar opposite of the blend of melodic simplicity and rhythmical variety that characterised traditional Greek music:
πάλιν δ᾽ αὖ εἴ τις καὶ περὶ τῆς ποικιλίας ὀρθῶς τε καὶ ἐμπείρως ἐπισκοποίη, τὰ τότε καὶ τὰ νῦν συγκρίνων, εὕροι ἂν ἐν χρήσει οὖσαν καὶ τότε τὴν ποικιλίαν. τῇ γὰρ περὶ τὰς ῥυθμοποιίας ποικιλίᾳ οὔσῃ ποικιλωτέρᾳ ἐχρήσαντο οἱ παλαιοί· ἐτίμων γοῦν τὴν ῥυθμικὴν ποικιλίαν, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς κρουσματικὰς δὲ διαλέκτους τότε ποικιλώτερα ἦν· οἱ μὲν γὰρ νῦν φιλομελεῖς, οἱ δὲ τότε φιλόρρυθμοι. δῆλον οὖν ὅτι οἱ παλαιοὶ οὐ δι᾽ ἄγνοιαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ προαίρεσιν ἀπείχοντο τῶν κεκλασμένων μελῶν.
[Plut.] Mus. 1138b4–c1
But, once again, if you looked at the subject of variety from a correct and informed perspective, comparing the pieces composed back then with those of today, you would find that variety (poikilía) was in use in the old days too. With regard to the kind of variety that concerns ‘rhythm compositions’ (rhythmopoiías), in fact, the ancients employed a rhythmical style that was more varied: they surely held rhythmical variety in high esteem, and the patterns that informed instrumental idioms were more varied back then too. For nowadays people are ‘lovers of melody’, whereas back then they were ‘lovers of rhythm’. So it is clear that the ancients did not abstain from ‘sprained’ melodies out of ignorance, but by choice.
In addition to highlighting a growing fondness for melodic variety at the expense of rhythmical complexity, the closing lines of this passage emphasise the centrality of ‘sprained’ melodies in late Classical, melody-focussed music. As we read in a scholium, the term ‘sprained’ (keklasména) indicated melodies that featured ‘bends’ (kampaí) such as those introduced by Phrynis and enthusiastically embraced by Timotheus, which ‘sprained’ the central joints of harmonía and developed new paths for seamless modulations between the traditional harmoníai.43
The distribution of the notes attested in Athenaeus’ Paean shows clearly that the harmonic organisation of this piece is centred on the Phrygian key:44 the most frequent note is Phrygian mésē
A prominent role is also played by C4 in conjunction with D4, clearly marking their function as Hyperphrygian mésē
Figure 10A displays the notation keys (tónoi) as well as the practical tunings (harmoníai) employed in Athenaeus’ Paean. The fine tuning of these harmoníai follows the corresponding kitharodic models described by Ptolemy (Harm. 80.11–18, see Figure 10B). These charts will be the basis for our subsequent analysis of the modulations that take place in different sections of this piece and their mimetic implications. The interplay of keys and tunings displayed in Figure 10A will also shed light on Athenaeus’ use of different notation signs to represent the most distinctive features of the Mixolydian harmonía in order to integrate it into the overarching Phrygian setting of this piece (as opposed to the essentially Dorian setting of the Ashmolean Papyri).
The fundamentally Phrygian character of this piece is clearly established in its opening section, transcribed in Figure 11A. Regular noteheads reflect the pitch of the Greek notes written underneath them (or their repetition over subsequent syllables) whereas x-shaped noteheads indicate supplements, which are offered as mere suggestions that may help us imagine the general flow of the song.
In keeping with theoretical evidence, this opening section centres around Phrygian mésē
Up to this point, the melody mainly moved within the central Phrygian octave
The appearance of
The relatively traditional nature of the tunings employed in this opening section is coupled with a generous use of melismas,55 a distinctive feature of experimental Late Classical songs that was often caricatured by comic poets. Aristophanes, for instance, famously mocked Euripides’ fondness for ‘wiiiiiiiiinding’ melodies56 and melismas are indeed employed in the choral song preserved in the Orestes papyrus (DAGM 3), albeit more sparingly than Aristophanes’ parodic exaggeration would suggest. Athenaeus too deploys melismas strategically to highlight key elements of the text, enhancing their expressive power.57 So, in lines 1–2, we hear of the Mount ‘Helicooon’ (
Section 2 (Figure 11B) is centred on the high Hyperphrygian register and fully exploits the chromatic potential of the Locrian tuning reshaped by Philoxenus, which centres on mésē
The dominant role of Hyperphrygian mésē
In the second line of Section 2, we encounter the first instance of the melodic ‘spraining’ mentioned by Pseudo-Plutarch: the bending (kampḗ) of Phrygian mésē
Given that Dorian mésē
This characteristically Mixolydian tritone
In keeping with Aristides’ testimony,69 the diatonic note
From a more practical point of view, this potential divergence between notes employed in vocal melodies and those favoured in their aulos accompaniment is not so strange as it might seem at first sight. As we read in a passage of the pseudo-Plutarchan De musica, this sort of heterophony was a recognised and indeed essential feature of other kinds of aulos-accompanied songs, where the avoidance of specific notes in the melody, combined with their use on auloi, played a central role in creating the particular ‘character’ (êthos) of different traditional songs.71
In line 4 (Figure 11B), the melody shifts back to the chromatic tuning Tropiká via the common note
The ascending-descending chromatic phrase that highlights the verb anakídnatai echoes the closing of the previous melodic phrase (mêra thaúrōn) and at the same time foreshadows the central role played by
This self-referential comment on the ‘shimmering’ character of the melody and its interweaving of different harmonic ‘strands’ significantly accompanies the most complex, heavily chromatic passage of the whole piece – a passage that pushes the Classical harmonic system to its limits and at one point even attempts to step beyond them, hinting at the Imperial metamorphosis of the harmonic system that will be discussed in Lynch forthcoming 1.
This crucial musical phrase opens with the major third
This theoretical analysis is perfectly within the boundaries of the Classical harmonic system but takes considerable mental gymnastics, especially in the light of the strong emphasis put on the chromatic note
As pointed out above, the ‘lower’ variant of the Mixolydian mode that was at home in the Classical and Hellenistic harmonic system was aligned with the Dorian octave (C3–C4), and therefore corresponded to the Hyperdorian notation key (Figure 5). In contrast, the Hyperiastian or ‘Higher Mixolydian’ scale aligns its central pyknón to the Hypolydian/Lydistí octave (B2–B3, see Appendix 3): that is to say, the octave that will replace the Dorian as the central point of reference for the Imperial harmonic system (Lynch forthcoming 1).
The introduction of the Higher Mixolydian/Hyperiastian key therefore marks the beginning of the transition from the Dorian-based Classical system towards the new Imperial system centred on mésē
Athenaeus’ Paean only hints at this future development, as the ‘irregular’ pyknón F# G Ab is evoked as a sort of temporary ‘expansion’ of the basic Phrygian system – a point that is indicated clearly by Athenaeus’ consistent use of Phrygian notation signs, ‘expanded’ by the Hyperdorian chromatic note
Listeners are then presented with another fleeting transition through the ‘irregular’ pyknón F# G Ab (
Trying to follow the logic that governs these meandering chromatic lines requires some considerable mental gymnastics, and modern readers may be forgiven for finding this effort to make sense of competing tensions within ancient harmonic systems rather absurd. But we know that this feeling was experienced by many ancient listeners too. Conservative Greek audiences in fact found these intricate sequences of microtones and chromatic bends as bewildering as we do, and their puzzlement was exploited for comic purposes by celebrated poets such as Pherecrates and Aristophanes. The champion of the New Music, Timotheus, was mercilessly mocked as ‘leading deviant anthills’ (
Pherecrates’ critique of Timotheus’ ‘deviant’ style includes another revealing detail that sheds light on Athenaeus’ choice to end this section of the paean on the ‘exharmonic’ note
Section 3 opens with an octave jump, a melodic figure that auletes called kompismós81 and marks out the central Phrygian octave
In keeping with Section 1, this Phrygian tuning combines a diatonic division of its higher tetrachord with an archaic enharmonic division of the lower tetrachord
The melody then switches back to the basic Phrygian mode, which characterises the remainder of this section (Figure 11C, lines 5–8). But this move is less traditionally minded than it may seem at first sight, given that the lyrics celebrate distinctive elements of Apollo’s cult, both physical (his tripod and sanctuary) and mythical (his slaying of the serpent). Such defining traits of Apollonian worship were traditionally associated with Dorian music and string instruments, whereas the discovery of the Phrygian mode that forms the core of the harmonic system of Athenaeus’ Paean was attributed to a legendary aulos player: the satyr Marsyas, Apollo’s mythical opponent and eventual victim.84 A famous passage of Plato’s Laws singles out precisely such combinations of seemingly contradictory musical elements as typical of the musical ‘lawbreaking’ (paranomía) championed by the New Musicians:
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου, ἄρχοντες μὲν τῆς ἀμούσου παρανομίας ποιηταὶ ἐγίγνοντο φύσει μὲν ποιητικοί, ἀγνώμονες δὲ περὶ τὸ δίκαιον τῆς Μούσης καὶ τὸ νόμιμον, βακχεύοντες καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ δέοντος κατεχόμενοι ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς, κεραννύντες δὲ θρήνους τε ὕμνοις καὶ παίωνας διθυράμβοις, καὶ αὐλῳδίας δὴ ταῖς κιθαρῳδίαις μιμούμενοι, καὶ πάντα εἰς πάντα συνάγοντες, μουσικῆς ἄκοντες ὑπ᾽ ἀνοίας καταψευδόμενοι ὡς ὀρθότητα μὲν οὐκ ἔχοι οὐδ’ ἡντινοῦν μουσική.
Plat. Leg. 3.700d2–e2
Then, after some time had gone by, leaders of a museless sort of lawbreaking were born – poets that were naturally gifted, but clueless about what is just and lawful in the realm of the Muse. Possessed by bacchic frenzy, and overcome by pleasure to a greater extent than they should have been, they mixed laments with hymns and paeans with dithyrambs, imitating the melodies of the aulos with their kithara songs, and blending all sorts of things with each other – unwittingly bearing witness against music out of their ignorance, as if music itself did not have any standard of correctness whatsoever.
Athenaeus’ Paean does indeed mix ‘measured’ paeonic metres with complex melodic features characteristic of late Classical dithyrambs, such as modulations between Phrygian and Mixolydian modes and changes in genus (diatonic, chromatic and ‘undivided’ enharmonic), as well as ‘hyperbolic’ notes and ‘twitterings’.85 This self-conscious use of harmonic models that belonged to different traditional genres is made clear in Section 2, where Athenaeus refers explicitly to the ways in which the ‘sweet-voiced kithara’ responded ‘with hymns’ (
In keeping with this, Athenaeus employs plenty of ‘lawless’ melismas in this section of the song, the first of which highlights the role played by professional ‘artiiists’ (technitōôn) in this challenging performance, whereas the second draws attention to the ‘mortaaals’ (thnatoioîs) that are waiting to receive Apollo’s immortal oracles. The melismas employed in the closing lines of this section also highlight salient details of Apollo’s mythical killing of the Python – a topic that offered plenty of scope for auletes to produce spectacular mimetic effects in their accompaniment, imitating the serpent’s hissing (syrigmós) and gnashing (odontismós) just as they did in solo performances that had long been a central element of the Pythian festival.87 So in lines 5–6, we hear of how Apollo ‘seeeized’ (
The final section of the piece (Figure 11D) is heavily damaged and therefore highly fragmentary. It is nevertheless clear that the melody features many clusters of semitones and is set in the ‘hyperbolic’ Phrygian tetrachord, including for the first time the highest note attested in this piece:
3 Conclusions: Simple Keys for a Complex Riddle
This article and Lynch 2022a examined theoretical as well as practical evidence concerning the Classical Greek harmonic system, its relationship with the traditional harmoníai and their practical use in the Hellenistic musical documents. To begin with, these articles have shown how the Classical Greek harmonic system as a whole was fundamentally rooted in the Dorian tónos: 100% of the notes attested in the Classical/Hellenistic musical documents fall within the range of this notation key (F2–F4), which Aristides Quintilianus aptly described as ‘the only tónos used in its entirety by [male] singers’ (Aristid. Quint. Mus. 21.12–19).90 In keeping with this, the Dorian ‘form’, or species, of the octave became the basic theoretical model for the late Classical system of notation keys (tónoi), which was developed by professional musicians to produce a consistent map of the traditional harmoníai and their pitch relations, and create written records of modulating music that featured these traditional scales.91 By means of a suitable combination of several Dorian-shaped notation keys, professional musicians and theorists created a straightforward way to account for the idiosyncratic structures of the traditional modes and their relative relationships – a brilliant achievement that went hand in hand with the use of complex, yet seamless, modulations that became a distinctive trait of the New Music.
These modulations revolved around the Dorian, Phrygian and Lydian notation keys, which gave a systematic organisation to the relative harmoníai. The Dorian harmonía (Dōristí) corresponded to the Dorian notation tónos, whereas the Hyperdorian tónos represented the (lower) Mixolydian mode and the Hypodorian tónos stood for the Locrian mode. Similarly, the Phrygian harmonía (Phrygistí) corresponded to the Phrygian notation tónos and the Hypophrygian key was assigned to the Iastian harmonía. The Hyperphrygian tónos, with its defining mésē falling on the note C4, effectively reproduced the Hypodorian key an octave higher – a development required by the upward extension of the traditional lyre octave introduced by Philoxenus, who thereby inaugurated the use of the ‘hyperbolic’ Dorian tetrachord C4–F4. The Hyperphrygian tónos was therefore identical in structure to the Hypodorian key, and likewise corresponded to the Locrian mode – a seemingly unnecessary duplication that would be much criticised by traditionalists such as Heraclides of Pontus and Ptolemy, who identified the essence of different harmoníai with their distinctive octave ‘forms’.92
In contrast with the straightforward correspondence established between Dorian and Phrygian harmoníai and their like-named notation tónoi, the traditional Lydian harmonía (Lydistí) was not assigned to the Lydian notation tónos but to the Hypolydian key. This surprising shift is, once again, tied to the New Musicians’ need to account for a new scale that they added at the top end of the ‘hyperbolic’ tetrachord: a scale centred on mésē D4, a fourth higher than the traditional Tense Lydian mode (mésē A3). Being the highest of the Lydian scales, this new addition was called Hyperlydian93 but this choice had a knock-on effect on the two existing Lydian keys: the mode that was traditionally known as Tense Lydian (Syntonolydistí, mésē A3) came to correspond to the Lydian notation tónos (mésē A3), and the simple Lydian mode (Lydistí, mésē E3) was identified with the Hypolydian notation tónos (mésē E3 – see Appendix 1). This discrepancy generated considerable confusion for centuries to come and contributed to the breakdown of knowledge transfer that occurred in the early Middle Ages, eventually bringing the Greek musical tradition into oblivion.94
As shown in Lynch 2022a, the three Classical groups of Dorian, Phrygian and Lydian keys described in theoretical works are reflected by their practical use in the musical documents. Thanks to the newly-developed database dDAGM, it has been possible to demonstrate that the most frequent notes featured in late Classical and Hellenistic scores set in the Dorian, Phrygian and Lydian tónoi are precisely their relative ‘intermediate notes’ (mésai) – the defining notes of the different modes identified in theoretical sources.
These abstract models have been fleshed out in the present article by looking at selected examples of late Classical and Hellenistic songs: a range of elaborate tragic music set in Dorian keys (Ashmolean Papyri, DAGM 5–6) and Athenaeus’ Paean, set in Phrygian keys (DAGM 20). The extensive specimen of elaborate Lydian music offered by Limenius’ Paean (DAGM 21) has not been discussed in the present article for the sake of space, but shall be included in other publications currently in preparation. For the moment, it is worth noting that Limenius’ Paean does indeed feature the Hyperlydian notation key – that is to say, the key that necessitated the shift in denomination discussed above.
All of these scores have long been recognised as featuring complex modulations and other stylistic traits akin to those first introduced by the New Musicians, including their characteristic use of ‘exharmonic’ notes and chromatic ‘bends’ (kampaí). As we have seen above, the ‘exharmonic’ yet very frequent notes attested in the Ashmolean Papyri (
This harmonic model has been further refined thanks to Ptolemy’s detailed account of the microtonal fine-tuning proper to a variety of Dorian and Phrygian scales that kitharodes employed to accompany their singing. Integrating these microtonal features into the general model reconstructed in Lynch 2018a provided new explanations for seemingly arbitrary notation choices made by Athenaeus and the author of the Ashmolean songs (Sophocles Junior?). Far from being arbitrary, their choices closely reflected a widespread fondness for septimal intervals in late Classical music. These composers therefore used seemingly ‘exharmonic’ notation signs to indicate unambiguously the pitch of the notes required to produce these ‘novel’ intervals. More generally, their choices cast light on the gradual development of a unified harmonic system out of different traditional modes and their idiosyncratic interval sequences.
Following in the footsteps of Timotheus and Euripides, these distinguished composers combined the distinctly expressive intervals produced by chromatic notes with tritones and vocal melismas. These emotionally charged and elaborate means made it possible for them to produce complex melodies that had clear mimetic purposes, such as imitating the lamenting cadences of typically tragic expressions or illustrating the ‘scintillatiing melodies’ (aeióloiois mélesin) performed by professional artists in honour of Apollo at Delphi.
The complex chromatic sequences employed by Athenaeus also hint at the tectonic transformation of the Classical harmonic system that was already in the making, even though Athenaeus stops short of taking the plunge himself. This deep transformation began with the addition of a new, ‘higher’ Mixolydian key which expanded the Classical core of the harmonic system and eventually resulted in a fundamental shift of its tonal centre (cf. Appendix 3). The Imperial metamorphosis of the Classical harmonic system and its lasting traces in the musical scores shall be discussed in Lynch forthcoming 1 and 2.
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Appendix 1
Appendix 2
Appendix 3
Pöhlmann and West 2001, 25. See also Laywine 2012 on the problematic assumptions that underpin the discussion of these documents offered in Hagel 2000 and Hagel 2010, 263–71.
With the exception of ‘tense chromatic’
Pöhlmann and West 2001, 25. Three fragments (DAGM 6.8, 6.53, and 6.55) diverge from this basic Dorian model and include 18 notes from the neighbouring Phrygian and Hypophrygian keys (Pöhlmann and West 2001, 38). These Phrygian fragments are therefore not included in Figure 1, which focuses on Dorian/Hypodorian pieces.
In addition to the Ashmolean Papyri, the complete Dorian record represented in Lynch 2022a, Figure 5, also includes 36 notes recorded in DAGM 7 and 8, which feature five additional occurrences of Dorian mésē. For the sake of simplicity, I shall often omit differences smaller than 5 cents (such as the difference between an equally tempered tone, 200 cents, and its closest approximation in Just Intonation, 9:8 ~204 cents), especially in connection with fixed notes such as F3 and G3 (corresponding to F3–2 and G3+2). Thanks are due to Stefan Hagel for providing the Greek musical notation fonts used in these articles and in dDAGM.
The modern equivalents of movable notes are generally based on a soft chromatic division of the tetrachord – ⅓-tone + ⅓-tone + ‘sweetened’ major third (~67 cents + 66 cents + 386 cents) – a division that was very common in Late Classical music (see e.g. Aristox. El. Harm. 30.1–8, and n. 2). Deviations from equal temperament are expressed in cents (100 cents=a semitone), but intervals under 5 cents are sometimes omitted in connection with fixed notes such as F3–2 and G3+2. These figures must anyway be taken as rough practical indications, given that it is notoriously impossible to offer exact mathematical equivalents of intervals expressed in ratios by means of irrational numbers: cf. Barker 2007, 304f.; Creese 2010; on temperaments more generally, Lindley 2001. On the practical irrelevance of variations up to 22 cents in ancient Greek music, see Ptol. Harm. 39.20 and 40.2–3 Düring, discussed in n. 7 below.
The figure is almost identical for the complete record of DAGM 5+6 which include a total of 6
Aristox. fr. 88 Wehrli (ap. Clem. Al. Strom. 6.88.1): ‘the enharmonic genus belongs especially to the Dorian mode, while the diatonic to the Phrygian’ (
On the Dorian octave and Classical lyre tunings, see e.g. Plat. Lach. 188d and other evidence discussed in Lynch 2018a and Lynch 2020, esp. 131f. On auloi, see Appendix 2.
In keeping with this, the central octave of the Hyperphrygian key extends beyond the upper limit of the Dorian Perfect System F4: see diagram in Appendix 1.
Cf. Lynch 2018a, 319–22. Philoxenus was identified as the ‘discoverer’ of the Locrian harmonía not because he literally invented this mode, but because he found a way to integrate it into the system of kithára tunings. In order to do this, he had to extend the Classical Dorian range of the kithára by a tone, adding an extra string tuned to the note D4 – a note that is significantly transcribed in instrumental notation with the symbol
West 1999, 49f.; Pöhlmann and West 2001, 25.
The notes
See e.g. Ar. Nu. 969f.: ‘if any of them dared bending a certain bend (
On the other hand, Sophocles may have played the kithara in his Thamyras: Vit. Soph. 24–25, and Soph. fr. 242 R.2 Cf. West 1990, 44; West 1994, 351.
Cf. [Arist.] Prob. 11.13: ‘This also happens in the case of auloi: for those who play the aulos with a hot breath (
West 1999, 50.
[Arist.] Prob. 19.6: ‘Why is accompanied recitative (parakatalogḗ) within songs tragic? Is it because of the unevenness of the contrast? For unevenness is emotional also in times of great luck or grief, while evenness is less mournful’ (
Cf. Winnington-Ingram 1932, 198. The upper interval of Aristoxenus’ soft chromatic division (⅓ ⅓ 1⅚, ~66.67 ~66.67 ~366.67 cents) is almost identical to what is known as ‘grave major third’ in modern parlance (100/81, ~364.81 cents, Haluska 2003, xxvi), which is the interval produced by soft chromatic
Cf. Arist. Met. 14.1093a25–30: mésē F3 and paramésē or G3 were collectively known as mésai in Pythagorean sources.
‘He slackened me up (
I.e. two soft chromatic semitones (~66.67 cents) above the fixed note D3+4.
Barker 2007, 49f., 78–87; Barker 2020, 261.
This debate makes sense only if the higher tritone was perceived, and employed in performance, as a unitary and undivided entity. This undivided interval is indeed featured in Athenaeus’ Paean (DAGM 20 col. 1.11, see Figure 11B below), where the descending tritone
This analysis is the same that informs the transcription of the Mixolydian mode transmitted by Aristides Quintilianus: the low tetrachord of this mode features a full pyknón
Lindley 2001. Cf. Figure 7: this ‘soft diatonic’ variant corresponds to Ptolemy’s parhypátai Dorian tuning.
On the widespread use of septimal tones in Greek music more generally, see Winnington-Ingram 1932, 202: “It is surely impossible to doubt that the diatonic Aristoxenus had in mind was that of Archytas, and that it was in general practical use. Any doubt of its practicality would be set at rest by the discovery that Ptolemy not only records it but regards it as the most fundamental type of diatonic, and declares that the artists of his day only used the other intonations in combination with it, a tetrachord each. This, then, is a most interesting fact about Greek music that alike in the fourth century BC and the second century AD the Greeks used a diatonic scale containing septimal tones (8:7)”. The audible beats produced by such septimal intervals may have been exploited by professional kithara players, especially when strumming, in order to imitate the quivering sound of the aulos. On similar effects in contemporary music, see e.g. Corey 2011, 24: “This third note is about 31.2 cents lower than the first Eb, and this interval creates an unstable, beating dissonance … [smaller differences] will create audible beats, which create a pulsing sensation”. See also §2 below on the role of the septimal ‘blue’ third, 7:6 (~267 cents) in Phrygian contexts such as that of Athenaeus’ Paean (DAGM 20). It must be noted, however, that such beats may have been harder to perceive in harmonic contexts such as the ancient Greek one, which employed heterophonic notes in instrumental accompaniment but was fundamentally based upon melodic modes, and not polyphonic chords.
That is to say the most common type of diatonic tuning employed in Classical Greek music: cf. n. 26. The ‘Archytan’ diatonic version of the Hypodorian note
Soft chromatic dieses correspond approximately to 66.67 cents throughout, but small oscillations in the tuning of fixed notes may be mistaken for systematic variations.
As shown in §2 below, the same approach is followed in Athenaeus’ Paean, where tonic diatonic
As noted above,
I.e. Aristoxenus’ ‘tense diatonic’ (st t t) and ‘tonic chromatic’ (st st 1 ½ tone), [Plut.] Mus. 1145c5–6:
Aristox. ap. [Plut.] Mus. 1145b9–c1
Cf. Aristox. ap. [Plut.] Mus. 1145b9–c1, quoted in n. 32.
Aristid. Quint. Mus. 28.1–7: eklýseis and ekbolaí were known as ‘modifications of the intervals’ (
Cf. West 1999, Tafel XI. The doubtful sign that precedes Phrygian
Ptolemy tells us that, in the 2nd century AD, kitharodes called the first Dorian tuning represented in Figure 7 Lýdia (Ptol. Harm. 80.14f.). A surprisingly straightforward solution to the ‘serious puzzles’ (Barker 1989, 360) raised by this designation will be offered in Lynch forthcoming 1: in brief, the kitharodic term Lýdia indicated that the Classical Dorian tuning had been identified with the octave typical of Lydistí, i.e. the traditional mode centred on mésē E3 (cf. Lynch 2022a, §1). Unlike the hypothesis set out in Hagel (2010, 57f.), the identification of Lýdia with the Hypolydian tónos (i.e. the notation key that corresponded to the simple Lydian mode Lydistí) entails a shift of a mere semitone between the Classical harmonic system, centred on Dorian mésē F3, and its Imperial counterpart centred on mésē E3. As shown in Lynch (forthcoming 1), this solution is confirmed by Porphyry (Porph. In Harm. 156.8–10) as well as is the ‘Hypolydian canon’ reproduced in codex Heidelbergensis Palatinus gr. 281, f. 173 v., and requires a small adjustment in pitch that has occurred several times in the history of Western music in relation to the development of complex modulation systems and related fluctuations in temperaments as well as chamber pitch. Lynch forthcoming 1 and 2 will also show that this identification has major implications for the interpretation of the Imperial musical documents and makes it possible for us to bridge the gap between the harmonic systems employed in Hellenistic and Imperial scores, reconstructing a continuous, if gradually changing, tradition that links Classical to Late Antique musical practice. Finally, it is worth noting that Lýdia is the only Dorian kithara tuning that Ptolemy labels as ‘modulating’ (metaboliká), a label that was also attached to Iástia/Iastiaiólia. These are the only tunings that include ‘ditonic diatonic’ divisions of the tetrachord (St, 9:8 tone, 9:8 tone – cf. Figure 10B below), and this feature played an important role in establishing complex modulation systems (Lynch forthcoming 2).
According to Ptolemy, kitharodic music may have employed a third kind of diatonic tuning too, which he idiosyncratically calls ‘tense diatonic’ (16:15, 9:8, 10:9, ~112, 204, 182 cents). This tuning shade was employed only in vocal melodies, whereas the kitharas that accompanied these songs were tuned to the ‘Pythagorean’ ditonic diatonic (256:243, 9:8, 9:8, ~90, 204, 204 cents). This variation corresponds to the 22-cent indifference range identified by Ptolemy, and did not cause any noticeable offence in musical practice (cf. Barker 1989, 312f.; West 1994, 170–2). Interestingly, Aristoxenus used the expression ‘tense diatonic’ to identify the basic diatonic template St T T – that is to say, the Aristoxenian equivalent of the ditonic diatonic tuning that kitharodes used on their instruments. Ptolemy also mentions an ‘even diatonic’ division (12:11, 11:10, 10:9, ~151, 165, 182 cents), but the practical context in which this tuning may have been employed is unclear: ‘The implication seems to be that his reflections have led him to a new variety of division, one that the ear enjoys, but not one already found in practical music-making, or represented, accurately or otherwise, in the theoretical textbooks’ (Barker 2001, 240).
Cf. Winnington-Ingram 1932, 198; Hagel 2010, Diagram 43, 172, and 175. Archytas’ diatonic was also called ‘tonic diatonic’ because it features a standard 9:8 tone at the top of the tetrachord. In keeping with this, Aristoxenus renders the tonic diatonic shade as ⅓ tone + 1 and ⅙ tone + 1 tone (~66.67, 233, 199 cents).
This principle seems to be disregarded by the two diatonic variants of the note Ab3 featured in these tunings, which differ by about 27 cents. This issue partly arises from the slight errors caused by any attempts to ‘translate’ ratio-based representations of musical intervals such as those offered by Ptolemy into cent-based renderings of musical intervals, which are conceptually closer to Aristoxenus’ approach (cf. Hagel 2010, 184, Diagram 46). Furthermore, Ptolemy’s own representation of Aristoxenus’ tuning shades entails a significant methodological shortcoming (cf. Barker 1989, 345 n. 112; Barker 2001, 252–4) that causes a systematic error which increased the lower interval of different diatonic divisions by 10.9 cents (cf. Hagel 2010, 185, Table 6, where Aristoxenus’ tense diatonic corresponds to Ptolemy’s ditonic diatonic).
See Dion. Hal. Comp. 19 (85.18–86.4 Usener): ‘composers of dithyrambs used to switch between modes too, employing Dorian modes as well as Phrygian modes and Lydian modes in the same song; they also changed their melodic patterns, making them sometimes enharmonic, sometimes chromatic and sometimes diatonic’ (
West 1994, 382f. Cf. [Arist.] Prob. 19.15: ‘So, just like words, melodies too followed the lead of imitation and were continually varied: for it was more necessary to imitate by means of the melody than by words’ (
West 1994, 290.
Schol. BD Aristid. Or. 46, p. 538.23–9 Dind.:
Pöhlmann and West 2001, 73; Laywine 2012.
This is especially striking in the light of Aristox. fr. 88 Wehrli (ap. Clem. Al. Strom. 6.88.1): ‘the enharmonic genus belongs especially to the Dorian mode, while the diatonic to the Phrygian’ (
10 out of 31 C4
Cf. Anon. Bell. §64: ‘the hyperbolic region of the voice is the whole range that stretches beyond the Hypermixolydian’ (
Lindley, Campbell and Greated 2001; Corey (2011, 24) on the use of audible beatings in contemporary music (quoted in 26 above).
Cf. Rose (1951, 316), who condemned Timotheus’ compositions as “restless and undignified, suggesting the modern horrors of jazz”; Duncan 1989.
See n. 34 above on Aristid. Quint. Mus. 28.1–7. Once again, these intervals were potentially interchangeable in musical practice, for the 17-cent difference between a septimal third and a purely enharmonic ekbolḗ is significantly smaller than the 22 cents that Ptolemy described as irrelevant practical variations (cf. n. 7).
Mésē is by definition the note that lies ‘below the disjunctive tone’ of the central octave: cf. Cleonid. Harm. 201.18–20, and n. 8 above.
Cf. Winnington Ingram 1936, 33. In keeping with the absence of Dorian mésē
Pöhlmann (2018, 334) points out that Limenius too “depicts the two peaks of Parnassus by two melodic peaks against the accent in
Cf. n. 7 above.
Cf. Suda
Cf. Ra. 1314 (
Cf. Pöhlmann 2018, 332–4.
On the role of the Delphides in the Delphic sanctuary, see Power 2011, esp. 102f.
Cf. Plut. Tim. 14.2f. with n. 10 above.
In contrast,
This corresponds to 1.93% of the vocal notes attested in Classical/Hellenistic scores. 10 out of 16
Cf. Ptolemy’s discussion of a similar discrepancy relative to the ‘tense diatonic’ genus mentioned in n. 37.
This unique sequence may be illustrated in the Zenon Papyrus (DAGM 8), a Hellenistic fragment which records a highly modulating melody akin to the Ashmolean Papyri. At the end of line 2, we find two clearly Phrygian notes
Cf. Pöhlmann 2018, 332f.
This shift perhaps sheds light on the odd label ‘Mixophrygian’ that is occasionally attested alongside Mixolydian (e.g. Clem. Al. Strom. 1.76.6) and suggests that the Phrygian mode and its mésē could also be taken as the basic point of reference for such mixed tunings, as an alternative to the basic Dorian mode (cf. n. 12). This shift also represents the first step of the metamorphosis of the Mixolydian harmonía from its typical Classical form (the so-called Lower Mixolydian, associated with the Hyperdorian tónos) towards its Imperial version known as Higher Mixolydian, which corresponds to the Hyperiastian tónos: cf. Appendix 3 and Hagel 2010, 10. The original label Mixolydian, in contrast, may have indicated that the basic (i.e. Dorian) tuning was mixed with Lydian chromatic notes, producing the Hyperdorian chromatic or ‘lower’ Mixolydian tónos.
Haluska 2003, xxiv.
Cf. DAGM 7.2:
“Seashore (1938) noted that opera singers often start about 9 cents flat, for first 200 ms, before correcting their tuning; this correction from a flat onset has been noted to an even greater extent in untrained singers (…). In contrast, violinists and wind players conform rather closely to the equal-tempered scale, with average deviations of about only 11 to 17 cents” (Hutchins, Roquet, and Peretz 2012, 148). The mixture of two different chromatic shades in the reconstruction of Aristides’ Mixolydian harmonía given in Figure 10A – the older, hemiolic chromatic division in the lower pyknón
Aristid. Quint. Mus. 21.19–22.10, with Barker 1989, 423. In this passage, Aristides describes a procedure that is akin to the one employed in Athenaeus’ Paean, whereby one of the notes of a particular melody (in this case the lowest, to be identified with proslambanómenos) is transposed an octave higher or lower, until it falls within the central Dorian octave. This is indeed what we find in Aristides Quintilianus’ Mixolydian harmonía. The note
Aristox. El. Harm. 11.3–6, with Barker 1989, 130, West 1994, 226–8, and Barker 2020, 261. On the analogous status of notes an octave apart, see also [Arist.] Prob. 19.14. On the correspondence between the lower Mixolydian triplet
[Plut.] Mus. 1137c10–11, with n. 45 above. In this passage, we also are told that performers would feel ‘ashamed’ of singing notes that are inappropriate for the particular character of traditional songs such as those set in the ‘libation trópos’ (spondeiázōn/spondeiakós trópos), characterised by a special 3-quartertone interval called spondeiasmós. On these ‘modifications’ of intervals and their role in the creation of musical characters, see n. 34 above.
This melodic idiom is paralleled in Limenius’ Paean (DAGM 21, line 16; Pöhlmann 2018, 334) to depict the Aeolic/shimmering melodies of his kithara. In keeping with Limenius’ kitharodic focus, the chromatic motion of this melodic profile involves different notes,
See Lynch forthcoming 1, as well as n. 65 above (on the relationship between Lower and Higher Mixolydian), and n. 68 (on the mismatch between these scales and the pykná featured in the notation system). See also Hagel 2010, 50: “the former ‘high Mixolydian’ with its weird mixed pykná, the immediate neighbour of the older set of keys (and the first of the newcomers)”.
Cf. Lynch 2018a, 302–13.
Cf. Cleonid. Harm. 205.10f.
On the highly problematic case of DAGM 22, see n. 68. On the Imperial dating of DAGM 17, see Lynch 2022a, n. 38.
Cf. [Psell.] Trag. 5 on the ‘perforated arrangement/style’ of many-stringed melodies (
Pherecr. fr. 155.18 K.-A.:
Cf. n. 43 above with Pherecr. fr. 155.19–20 K.-A.: ‘But Timotheus, my dearest friend, was the one who utterly ruined me and tore me to pieces most disgracefully’ (
Cf. Lynch 2018a, 314–17.
Cf. Anon. Bell. 93 (
Cf. n. 10 above and Lynch 2022a, n. 26.
This detail offers us another glimpse into the future developments of the harmonic system. In keeping with the overall downward adjustment of the Imperial harmonic system, this undivided tritone will also be shifted down by a semitone and will therefore correspond to the tritone characteristic of the Higher Mixolydian/Hyperiastian key (Lynch forthcoming 1 and 2). This interval seems to be effectively attested in Imperial scores set in the Hyperiastian key: see DAGM 42.7 (
On Apollonian cult and its musical implications, see Rutherford 2020. On Marsyas’ aulos music and the Phrygian harmonía, see Barker 1984, 210–2, and Lynch 2018b, 718–21.
Cf. Dion. Hal. Comp. 19 (85.18–86.4 Usener), quoted in n. 40 above; Pherecr. fr. 155.26–28 K.-A, with Napolitano 2020, 267 and 291–4 ad loc.
E.g. Plat. Resp. 3.399d3–5. Cf. Power 2007; LeVen 2014, 81–3; Lynch 2018, 294f.
Cf. West 1994, 212–15; Rocconi 2015, 87; Rutherford 2020, 26f.; Power 2020, 189f. On visual representations, see Ogden 2013.
Cf. n. 56 above.
Pherecr. fr. 155.25–26 K.-A.:
The Greek notation system was implicitly designed on the basis of male voices but we know that practical music making included also children and women, whose voices were set approximately an octave higher than male ones: see e.g. [Arist.] Prob. 19.39 (‘for the octave correspondence arises from the voices of young children and men, who are separated in pitch as the highest (nḗtē) and the lowest (hypátē) string of a lyre’). In keeping with this, there were several types of auloi appropriate for different vocal types and registers, ranging from small ‘girl pipes’ (parthénioi) and ‘boy pipes’ (paidikoí) to ‘kithára pipes’ (kitharistḗrioi), ‘complete pipes’ (téleioi) and ‘extra-complete’ pipes (hypertéleioi, Aristox. fr. 101 Wehrli ap. Ath. 14.634e–f). The highest note of the ‘girl pipes’ was over four octaves and a fifth higher than the lowest note of the ‘extra-complete pipes’ (El. harm. 26.8–11, with Lynch 2020, 142f.), a range that exceeds the whole gamut of the male notation system (C2–D5, just over three octaves).
Cf. Aristox. El. Harm. 46.17–18: ‘The fifth part concerns the tonoi in which the systēmata are placed when they occur in melody’ (
Heracl. Pont. ap. Ath. 14.625c–e, Ptol. Harm. 63.5–8 (on the Hypermixolydian tónos, equivalent to the Hyperphyrgian notation key), with Lynch 2018a, 318–22.
Cf. Lynch 2022a, §2: “The Hyperlydian key – centred on mésē d’ with paramésē e’ – was in fact the highest tónos that could be included in this ‘hyperbolic’ tetrachord (c’–f’) within the Classical core of the Greek notation system, which comprises notation keys relative to the traditional harmoníai. The defining tone mésē – paramésē of any hypothetical keys higher than the Hyperlydian (e.g. e’–f#’) would have fallen above the top Dorian note f’, the highest boundary of the Dorian Perfect System and of the male vocal range identified by Aristides Quintilianus. In keeping with this, the Greek notation system does not include any notation keys higher than the Hyperlydian (mésē d’)”. See also n. 29: “This restriction is notably observed also in the later Imperial expansion of the harmonic system, when it would have been theoretically possible to add another key within the range of the Dorian Perfect System based on mésē eb’ – paramésē f’, an octave higher than the Hypoaeolian key. But such a key would have represented the Hyper-variant of the Hyperdorian key, an addition that would have completely severed the links between notation keys and the characteristic modes of the Greek musical tradition: this move seems to have been too bold even for the ‘revolutionary’ New Musicians”.
Cf. Atkinson 2008.