Introduction

Our aim in this paper is to introduce two well-known yet barely studied Chinese versions of the story of The King and His Dreams in the Arabic Kalīla wa-Dimna and to compare their structure and content with the oldest dated Arabic versions of the story.¹ The King and His Dreams constitutes one of only two chapters (the other one being The King and the Mice) of the ten that have certainly been included in the Middle Persian Kalīla wa-Dimna, which has its origin neither in the Pañcatantra nor in the Mahābhārata.² Through a comparative investigation of the Chinese and Arabic versions, we hope to be able to formulate a thesis on the redaction of the compiler-author of the Middle Persian Kalīla wa-Dimna, who may have modified the story to make it adaptable to the content and the structure of his book. We confine our study to the first episode of the story, which is available in the two Chinese versions. Since there is a large number of printed and manuscript Arabic versions of the story, we also use in our study the two oldest dated Arabic versions of the text in print, the editions of ʿAzzām and Cheikho.³ Along with those, we take into consideration the Syriac translation of Kalīla wa-Dimna,⁴ which is based on an Arabic version from the tenth to eleventh centuries CE and is known as the Younger Syriac translation.⁵ The Christian elements of the latter are disregarded here. Together, they are taken to reflect the early Arabic tradition. Substantial differences from other early versions preserved in manuscripts will be mentioned where relevant.

Accounts in the Chinese Buddhist tradition that are similar to the story of the King and His Dreams in the Arabic textual tradition have been published and investigated before. De Blois reminds us of five Chinese Buddhist recensions of the story, which the distinguished French sinologist Édouard Chavannes (1865–1918) collected and translated in his book, Cinq cent contes et apologues.⁶ However, it appears that among the five stories translated by Chavannes, only story No. 411 should be considered as a close recension or a version of our story.⁷ This text is one of the two Chinese versions, namely Kinkara’s version, which constitute the Chinese textual tradition of our story in this paper.

The Story of The King and His Dreams in the Arabic Kalīla wa-Dimna

The story of The King and His Dreams is the ninth chapter of Kalīla wa-Dimna in the edition of ʿAzzām and the eleventh in the edition of Cheikho.⁸ The three main protagonists are Shādram the king, Īrākht the queen, and Iblād/Īblādh the king’s wise minister. Part of this story is quoted by Miskawayh in his manual of ethics, Jāwīdān Khirad.⁹

The origin of this story is the Buddhist legend of the king Caṇḍa Pradyōta. The original Sanskrit version of the story is not extant, but the text has survived in the Tibetan, Chinese and Pali Canonical Buddhist corpora. Among these various versions, the Tibetan version agrees most with those of the Arabic tradition. Burzōy, or whoever redacted the Middle Persian Kalīla wa-Dimna, must have taken the text from a Sanskrit Buddhist recension of the story and incorporated it in his book.¹⁰ The story falls into two episodes, in which first the queen and then the minister play a major role in rescuing the king.¹¹ In the following, I will give a summary of the first episode.

The story opens with a frame narrative of the king (Dabshalīm) asking the philosopher’s (Baydabā) advice on how to stabilize his rule and protect his land. The answer is that he should use prudence (ḥilm) and reason (ʿaql), as well as obtain the advice from a wise, well-meaning, and erudite advisor. Then, the philosopher begins to tell a story as an illustration: The king of India, Shādram/Shādrim, has eight dreams one night, after (each of) which he wakes up. Very concerned, he summons a group of Brahmins to interpret his dreams. Since the king had previously slayed a large number of Brahmins, they see an opportunity to take revenge and tell the king that, unless he executes some dearest and closest to him at his court, he will not be able to escape bad events. The king becomes very upset, which is noticed by the king’s wise minister, Iblād, who encourages the queen, Īrākht, to go to him and find out the reason of his sorrow. After the queen learns why the king is sad and troubled, she convinces him to visit the sage Katāyāyirūn¹² and ask him for the interpretation of his dreams. The king goes to the sage, who warns him of the Brahmins and gives him the true interpretation of his dreams. According to the sage, each dream is a sign of a present that the king will soon receive from the kings of various lands. At the end of the episode, the king distributes these presents among the persons whom the Brahmins had told him to execute, praising especially the queen for her advice.

The Context of the two Chinese Recensions

In this paper, we will focus on two barely-studied Chinese versions of the story of The King and His Dreams in the Chinese textual tradition. The first Chinese version appears within the text Genben Shuo Yiqie You Bu Pi Nai Ye Za Shi (根本說一切有部毘奈耶雜事), which is the text No. 1451 in the Chinese Buddhist canon called Taishō Tripiṭaka. The Chinese Buddhist monk Yijing (義淨) (635–713 CE) supposedly translated this text, along with a number of other Buddhist texts into Chinese in the first quarter of the eighth century. During his travels to India and South East Asia in the second half of the seventh century CE, Yijing had collected a large number of Buddhist texts in Sanskrit and Pali and had sent them to China. When he returned in the year 695 CE, he established an office of translation and translated a number of the Buddhist works into Chinese during the first two decades of the eighth century CE.¹³ Text No. 1451, which is of concern here, belongs to the so-titled Vinaya texts in the Chinese Buddhist canon.¹⁴ Vinaya can simply be explained as the body of teachings and texts attributed to Buddha that tell an ordained follower of Buddha how he or she must or should behave.¹⁵ I refer to this text as Yijing’s version. Since the first episode of the story according to Yijing’s version has not been translated into a European language so far, I will provide the readers with an English translation of this episode.

The other Chinese version that we consider in our investigation also belongs to the Chinese Buddhist canon. It constitutes part of text No. 203 entitled Za Baozang Jing (雜寶藏經) and belongs to the Jātaka texts.¹⁶ Jātaka texts consist of tales that involve a character identified as a previous incarnation of the historical Buddha. Since these stories are morally rich, they had a major role in the dissemination of the Buddha’s teachings.¹⁷ The text Za Baozang Jing is believed to have been compiled in China in the fifth century CE. It involves 121 parables, and our story constitutes the final episode of parable 102. The text was compiled from Indian materials by the Buddhist chief monk Tanyao (曇曜),¹⁸ and translated shortly after its compilation in 472 CE by a monk from Central Asia called Kinkara (吉迦夜)¹⁹ and a Chinese monk called Liu Xiaobiao (劉哮標, 462–521 CE).²⁰ I refer to this text as Kinkara’s version.

The story in Kinkara’s version differs from that of Yijing’s, whose translation will follow. In the former, the story stars with the Buddha Tathāgata, who sends the sage Kātyāyana as one of his disciples to his homeland, ruled by the king Caṇḍa Pradyōta, in order to convert the king and the land’s population. During Kātyāyana’s stay in his homeland, some events occur that cause the king to develop a deep respect for him. In the final episode of this story, we read about the eight dreams of the king and their true interpretation as given by Kātyāyana. The story ends with Kātyāyana explaining the king why the kings of other countries sent him as present what they each valued most.²¹

Édouard Chavannes was the first European scholar to discuss both Chinese texts that are examined here. However, he provides only a French translation of Kinkara’s version while Yijing’s version remains unstudied. He nevertheless points out the similarity of Yijing’s version with a Tibetan one that Anton Schiefner (1875) had translated into German.²² Chavannes also reminds us that, based on Schiefner’s translation of this Tibetan text, the celebrated German Indologist Theodor Benfey (1809–1881) already recognized its similarity with the story of The King and His Dreams in the Arabic and Older Syriac Kalīla wa-Dimna.²³

Text of Yijing’s Version with Translation²⁴

[0318b21] [1.1.] 時王既殺眾婆羅門已，即於其夜夢見地震，六字聲空出六字聲。復有八夢。[1.2.] 地震六字者，謂「六無我鄙心若」。空出六字者，謂「諸誰平今彼我」。[1.3.] 云何八夢？所謂一者見白旃檀香泥遍體塗拭；二者見赤旃檀香水澆灑其身；三者見頭上火然；四者見兩腋下垂大毒蛇；五者見二鯉魚舐其兩足；六者見二白鵝飛空而來；七者見大黑山當面而來；八者見白鷗鳥頭上遺糞。[1.4.] 是時彼王既作如斯眾多夢已，即大驚怖遍身毛竪，作如是念: 「豈緣此事，王位有虧、身命損失？」

[0318b21]²⁵ [1.1.]²⁶ At the time, the king [Meng Guang]²⁷ had just slaughtered all the Brahmins, and on this very night he dreamt (lit., he saw/experienced in his dream) that the earth trembled [and emitted] the sound of six words,²⁸ and the sky emitted the sounds of six words as well. He further had eight [other] dreams. [1.2.] The six words coming from the trembling earth were: “six,” “no,” “I,” “mean/despicable,” “mind/heart,” and “if.” The six sounds emitted from the sky were: “all,” “who,” “level,” “now,” “that/this,” and “I/my/me.” [1.3.] [I ask:] What were the eight dreams? In the first dream (lit., in that which was named as the first dream), he saw/experienced that fragrant paste of white sandalwood was spread all over his (the king’s) body and then wiped off; in the second [dream] he saw water perfumed with red sandalwood sprinkled over his body; in the third dream he saw fire burning on his head; in the fourth dream, he saw two big poisonous snakes hanging down from his armpits; in the fifth dream he saw two carps licking his feet; in the sixth dream he saw two white geese flying toward him in the sky; in the seventh dream he saw a big black mountain coming face to face with him; in the eighth dream he saw a white common gull leaving excrement on his head. [1.4.] At this time, since he had all these dreams, the king was very frightened, so that the hair on his whole body stood up straight, and he thought to himself: “What is the cause of these [dreams]? Will the King lose his throne? Will there be any harm to his life and his body?”

[2.1.] 便召解夢婆羅門至而告彼，[2.2.] 彼作是念: 「彼作是念: 「王此好夢，我當說惡。若言好者，更增高慢、長其惡見，餘婆羅門更見誅戮。」[2.3.] 作是念已共為籌議，報言: 「大王！此非善夢。」王言: 「為說，當有何報？」答曰: 「此夢表王國位將虧、身當殞歿。」王聞是已生大憂惱。[2.4.] [0318c08] 爾時彼王復作是念: 「頗有方便令我身存、王位不失耶？[2.5.] 我今宜可詣尊者迦多演那處請問吉凶，豈非與我為惡兆乎？」[2.6.] 既至彼已頭頂禮足，在一面坐以夢具白。[2.7.] 尊者答言: 「大王！頗於餘處問此事耶？」答言: 「聖者！於餘亦問。」「於何人邊問？」答曰: 「於婆羅門處。」「彼何所記？」王即以彼所說具白。尊者答曰: 「大王！彼等常受欲樂，欣願生天，餘何所識？王之所夢是其善瑞，不須驚怖，不由此故失位身亡。

[2.1.] Thereupon, he summoned a Brahmin, who was able to interpret the dreams, to come and he told him [about the dreams]. [2.2.] The latter (i.e., Brahmin) thought to himself: “The dream of the King is good. [However,] I [still] have to tell him a bad interpretation. If I say it is good, it will increase his arrogance, and strengthen his evil attitudes; and the remaining Brahmins will also be slaughtered.” [2.3.] After having thought this by himself, he consulted with the others (i.e., other Brahmins), and reported: “O Great King! This is not a lucky dream!” The king said: “Speak! Of what shall it inform?” He replied: “This dream indicates that the King’s throne will be lost and his body will perish!” After the king had heard this, he worried greatly. [2.4.] [0318c08] At this time the king thought again: “If only there was something appropriate to cause me to keep my life and not lose my throne. [2.5.] I should go today to the place of the Honored Jia Duo Yanna (Sanskrit: Kātyāyana),²⁹ and inquire about the good and bad luck. How would this not help me to deal with the bad omen!” [2.6.] Once he arrived [at the Honored Kātyāyana] he bowed to his feet, sat in front of him and narrated the entire dream. [2.7.] The Honored [Kātyāyana] replied: “O Great King! Perhaps you have asked this question at another place?” The king replied: “O Holy One! I have asked this [question] at another place.” “At whose place did you ask?” He [i.e., the king] replied: “At the place of a Brahmin.” “What prophecy did he make?” The king immediately told him everything [the Brahmin] had said. [Thereupon,] the Honored [Kātyāyana] spoke: “O Great King! Those [Brahmins] always indulge in desires and pleasures, they wish to be born in a heavenly [paradise]. Other than that, what would they know? The dream of the King is his good fortune. There is no need to be frightened. You will not lose your throne, nor will you die because of these [dreams].

[3.1.] 所以者何？如王所聞地有六聲，是何先兆？如是應知，即是於王共相警誡，令王改惡從善。[3.2.] 昔有六王非法化世，身壞命終墮於地獄。[3.3.] 此最初王在地獄中受大極苦，而說頌曰，即是初『六』字。

「『六萬六千歲，　　地獄中燒煮；

現受大極苦，　　未知其了時。』

[3.4.] [0318c23] 「「其第二王亦說頌曰，即是第二『無』字。

「『無有苦邊際，　　了日終不知；

我類共同然，　　此由前惡業。』

[3.5.] [0318c26] 「其第三王亦說頌曰，即是第三『我』字。

「『我所得衣食，　　或理或非理；

餘人飡受樂，　　令我獨遭殃。』

[3.6.] [0318c29] 「「其第四王亦說頌曰，即是第四『鄙』字。

「『鄙哉我形命，　　有物不能捨；

飲食不惠人，　　令身無利益。』

[3.7.] [0319a03] 「其第五王亦說頌曰，即是第五『心』字。

「『心常欺誑我，　　鎮被愚癡牽；

地獄受苦時，　　無人肯相代。』

[3.8.] [0319a06] 「其第六王亦說頌曰，即是第六『若』字。

「『若我生人趣，　　常修於眾善；

　　由其福業力，　　必得上生天。』

[0319a09] 「故此六聲彰彼先業。

[3.1.] So why is this? The six sounds coming from the earth, such as the King has heard, what do they presage? Thus you should know that they all together caution and warn the King, so that he might change the evil and follow goodness. [3.2.] Formerly, there were six kings who did not use the [Buddhist] dharma³⁰ to govern, and after their bodies perished and their lives ended, they fell into hell. [3.3.] When the first of these kings experienced great suffering in hell, he made a verse about it; this is exactly, what the first word (lit., character), [namely] “six,” alludes to:

[3.4.] [0318c23] The second king also made a verse; this is exactly, what the second word (lit., character), [namely] “no/not,” alludes to:

[3.5.] [0318c26] The third king also made a verse; this is exactly, what the third word (lit., character), [namely] “I/my/me,” alludes to:

[3.6.] [0318c29] The fourth king also made a verse; this is exactly, what the fourth word (lit., character), [namely] “despicable/mean,” alludes to:

[3.7.] [0319a03] The fifth king also made a verse; this is precisely, what the fifth word (lit., character), [namely] “mind,” alludes to:

[3.8.] [0319a06] The sixth king also made a verse — and that is the sixth character, [namely] “if”:

[0319a09] Therefore, the six sounds represent [the six kings’] previous actions.

[4.1.] 又復大王！空中六聲，是誰先兆？如是應知。[4.2.] 王住宅內有大竹竿，於中多有微細蟲食，軟者皆盡，遺餘堅鞕。諸蟲不樂，恐命不全，共說此頌以告宅主，即是最初『諸』字。

「『諸軟處皆食，　　唯有鞕皮存；

願王知不樂，　　更別安餘者。』

[0319a16] 「王去舊竹別安新者，遂令多蟲而得存活。[4.3.] [0319a16] 「又復大王！王有掌馬人名曰近親，先瞎一目。彼人於日日在烏巢中打破卵子，烏見子死心生怨恨，悉皆鳴叫而說此頌，即是第二『誰』字。

「『誰復能相為，　　刺人令眼瞎？

不殺我子孫，　　除解心憂惱。』

[0319a23] 「王當遮止勿使更然。[4.4.] [0319a24] 「又復大王！於王園中 有遊戲池，水先平滿，多有魚鼈蝦蟇所居，有一白鷺鳥常食其魚。今池乾無水，鳥見是事，遂生嗟歎而說頌曰，即是第三『平』字。

「『平地水恒滿，　　多有諸魚鼈；

取食以充軀，　　今時水皆盡。』

[0319b01] 「王今宜可以水添之，驅鳥令去。

[4.1.] Again, O Great King! The six sounds in the sky, [you ask me,] whose signs are they? You should know this: [4.2.] Within your royal residence, there grows a high bamboo. Therein exist many very small insects nourishing themselves [from the bamboo]. They have eaten up all of the soft parts [of the bamboo], and [only] left behind the hard outer skin. All insects are unhappy [now], and fear that their life cannot be preserved. Together, they say these verses to tell the owner of the residence (i.e., the king) — and that is the very first word (lit., character) [you heard emitted from the sky, namely] “all”:

[0319a16] [Therefore,] the King should remove the old bamboo and instead plant a new bamboo; thus, [the King] can help many insects to survive. [4.3.] [0319a16] Again, O Great King! You have a person with the name Jin Qin [at your service], who is in charge of the horses, and one of his eyes is blind. This person breaks the eggs of the crows in their nest every day. The crows see their chicks die, and [so] hatred grows in their heart. They cry all the time and sing this verse — and that is the second word (lit., character) [you heard emitted from the sky, namely] “who”:

[0319a23] [Therefore,] the King should stop [this person] and make sure he does not continue like this. [4.4.] [0319a24] Again, O Great King! In your royal garden, there is a pool for playing. Earlier, the water was full [to its rim]. It had many fish, soft-shelled turtles, shrimp, and frogs that were living there. There is an egret bird, which always used to eat the fish of the pool. Now the pool is dry and has no water, and that bird (i.e., egret) watches this; thereupon, it lets out a sigh and sings a verse — and that is the third word (lit., character), [namely] “level”:

[0319b01] Now the King should add water to the pool and urge the bird to come back.

[5.1.] [0319b02] 「又復大王！王此國中有一大山名曰可畏，有雄象母象並悉生盲，唯有一子恒為供侍，為父母故出外求食，遇見雌象相隨而去，漸為誘誑將至園所遂便被縛，憶念父母悲憂內疚，不食水草而說頌曰，即是第四『今』字。

「『今父母孤獨，　　生盲無引導；

處在深山中，　　無食誰看養？』

[0319b09] 「王今宜可令放彼象，得與父母共為歡樂。[5.2.] [0319b10] 「又復大王！王住宅中有被縛鹿，既離昔群，心生憂惱而說頌曰，即是第五『彼』字。

「『彼群皆受樂，　　水草任情遊；

唯我受拘繫，　　晝夜獨懷憂。』

[0319b14] 「王宜解放任往山林。[5.3.] [0319b15] 「又復大王！於王宅中 有鵝被繫，仰瞻空裏，見有群鵝飛騰而去，情生憂惱而說頌曰: 即是第六『我』字。

「『鳥朋皆已去，　　飲啄盡隨情；

我身何罪業？　　被繫無聊生。』

[0319b20] 「王起悲心亦宜解放。

[5.1.] [0319b02] Again, O Great King! In the country of the King [i.e., you], there is a big mountain called Ke Wei (lit., terrifying). A male and a female elephant are [living] there, both of which have been blind since their birth. They have only one child, who constantly serves and accompanies them. [Once,] the child went out to seek food for the parents. He met a female elephant. He followed her and went with her [away]. Consequently, the child elephant was induced to be around the garden [of the King]. As a result, he was [taken and] bound. Whenever he thinks about [his] parents, he feels sorrow and regret in himself. He does not eat grass, nor drinks water, but sings a verse — and that is the fourth word (lit., character) [you heard emitted from the sky, namely] “now”:

[0319b09] [Therefore,] the King should now order to release the child elephant, [so that] he can happily be reunited with his parents. [5.2.] [0319b10] Again, O Great King! In your royal residence, there is a constrained deer. Not long ago, it left [its] crowd [to which it had belonged before]. [Therefore, its] heart feels vexed, and it is singing a verse — and that is the fifth word (lit., character) [you heard emitted from the sky, namely] “that”:

[0319b14] [Therefore,] the King should liberate [the deer] and let [it] go to mountain and forest. [5.3.] [0319b15] Again, O Great King! In the King’s residence, there is a goose which has been imprisoned. It looks up at the sky and sees a flock of geese flying away. Its situation generates vexation [in his heart], and he is singing a verse — and that is the sixth word (lit., character) [you heard emitted from the sky, namely] “I/my/me”:

[0319b20] [Therefore,] the King should show a merciful heart [to the goose] and liberate it.

[6.1.] [0319b21] 「又復大王夢見八事，是何先兆者，如見白栴檀香泥遍體塗拭者，有勝方國王送大白緂來奉大王！今至半路，經七日後必當來至，此為先兆。[6.2.] [0319b25] 「又見赤栴檀香水澆灑身者，有健陀羅國王送赤毛寶緂來奉大王！今至半路，經七日後亦當屆此，此為先兆。[6.3.] [0319b27] 「「又見頭上火然者，有槃那國王送上金鬘來奉大王，在路而來，經七日後亦來至此，此為先兆。[6.4.] [0319b29] 「又見兩腋下垂大毒蛇者，有支那國王送二寶劍來奉大王，隨路而行七日當至， 此為先兆。

[6.1.] [0319b21] Again, the Great King (i.e., you) dreamed about eight things. What do they presage? Thus, when he (i.e., you) saw mud mixed with rare, white Indian sandalwood smeared all over the (i.e., your) body and wiped off, [this is a presage indicating that:] The king of the country Sheng Fang (the country of the North?)³¹ sent a large white textile to offer as a present to the King. Today, it has made half of the way. It will certainly arrive after seven days. This is what it presages (lit., This is the sign³²). [6.2.] [0319b25] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person, who had sprayed perfume with the smell of red sandalwood over his body. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of the country Jian Tuo Luo (Gandhara) sent a precious textile made from red feathers as an offering to you, King. Today, it made half of the way, and it will also arrive after seven days. This is what it presages [6.3.] [0319b27] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person with fire upon his head. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of Pan Na (Panna) country sent a headdress made of high quality gold as a present for the King (i.e., you). It is [now] coming on the road and will certainly arrive after seven days. This is what it presages. [6.4.] [0319b29] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person with two big, venomous snakes hanging from his armpit. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of the country Chin (China) sent two precious swords as presents to the King. They are on the way and will surely arrive after seven days. This is what it presages.

[7.1.] [0319c02] 「又見二鯉魚舐兩足者，有師子洲國王送一雙寶履來奉大王，尋路而來，七日當至，此為先兆。[7.2.] [0319c05] 「又見二白鵝飛空而來者，有吐火羅國王送二駿馬來奉大王，尋路而來，七日當至，此為先兆。[7.3.] [0319c08] 「又見大黑山當面而來者，有羯陵伽國王送大象王二頭來奉大王，尋路而來，七日當至，此為先兆。[7.4.] [0319c11] 「「又見白鷗鳥頭上遺糞者，牛護之母安樂夫人，此為先兆，王自當知。[7.5.] 然王不應於婆羅門處更起惡心。」

[7.1.] [0319c02] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person, whose two feet were being licked by two carps. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of Shi Zi Zhou (Laṅkā-dvipa) sent a precious pair of shoes as a present to the Great King. It is moving along on the road and will certainly be here in seven days. This is what it presages. [7.2.] [0319c05] Again, the King saw a white goose flying around in the sky. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of the country Tu Huo Luo (Tukhāra) sent two good horses to the King as a display of respect. They are coming on the road and will surely arrive after seven days. This is what it presages. [7.3.] [0319c08] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person [standing] directly face to face with a large, black mountain. [This is a presage indicating that:] The king of the country Jie Ling Jia (Kaliṅga) sent two large elephants (lit., king elephants) to the King as a sign of respect. They are on the road and will certainly arrive after seven days. This is what it presages. [7.4.] [0319c11] Again, the King saw [himself] as a person on whose head a white common gull had left excrement. The interpretation of this dream is the queen An Le, the mother of the [crown prince] Niu Hu; the King should know it himself [and I will not say now what it presages].³³ [7.5.] And thus he should not go to the place of the Brahmins, and even less should he be angry at them.”³⁴

[8.1.] [0319c13] 時猛光王聞是說已，歡喜踊躍如死重穌，深生信仰禮足而去，還至宅中如尊者教皆悉奉行。[8.2.] 別安大竹、遮掌馬人、枯竭池中添水令滿、放象并鹿及被繫鵝，[8.3.] 滿七日已如所記事皆悉到來。王見是已，更於尊者極生敬重，作如是念:

「但我宅中所有吉祥， 皆是聖者福力所致，

我今且以初得大緂奉持供養，後以王位奉禪尊者。」

[8.4.] 即告使者曰: 「可持此緂將奉尊者迦多演那。」彼便將去奉授尊者。

[8.1.] [0319c13] After the king Meng Guang had heard this, he jumped for joy similar to a person who has been revived from death. He began to have deep faith [in Buddhism], bowed to the feet [of the Honored Kātyāyana] and left. He returned to his residence and undertook everything as the Honored [Kātyāyana] had instructed him. [8.2.] He replaced the big bamboo and stopped the person who was in charge of the horses; he added water to the dried pool and made it full [of water]; he set the elephant, the deer and the detained bird free. [8.3.] After seven days, the things (i.e., presents) all arrived as predicted. After the king saw them, he developed much [more] respect for the Honored [Kātyāyana], and made the following verse:

[8.4.] Thereupon, he said to an envoy: “You may take this textile and offer it to the Honored Jia Duo Yanna.” The latter (i.e., the envoy) immediately left to offer and award it to the Honored [Kātyāyana].

[9.1.] 次告安樂夫人及星光妃、牛護太子、增養大臣曰: 「仁等當知，今此諸國所有大王！咸持國信來獻於我，汝等愛者隨意當取。」[9.2.] 時安樂夫人即取金鬘，星光少妃取赤毛寶緂，牛護太子取其二馬，增養便取二劍，大臣取其寶履，唯餘寶象王自取之。[9.3.] 時猛光王他獻五寶皆共分訖，便往尊者處禮雙足已，在一面坐，白言: 「大德！慈造弘深事難具說，謹持國位奉獻尊者，唯願慈悲哀憐納受。」[9.4.] 尊者報曰: 「世尊有教，遮諸苾芻不受王位。」王曰: 「若如是者，當受半國。」答曰: 「此亦不聽。」[9.5.] 王曰: 「若作國主是佛所遮，受用五欲理應無損，我悉奉施。」答曰: 「大王！所有諸欲佛皆不許。」[9.6.] 王曰: 「此不應者，所有受用及上受用供身資具，幸當為受隨情而用。」答言: 「大王！待我白佛。」王言: 「任意請佛。」

[9.1.] Thereupon, the king called the queen An Le, the concubine Xing Guang [Shao], the crown prince Niu Hu, and the minister Zeng Yang, and spoke: “Your Benevolence, all, should know: All the kings in all countries sent [their] land’s presents and dedicated them to me. As you wish, you can take the things [from among the presents, which] you like most.” [9.2.] At this time, the Queen An Le immediately took the golden garland ornament; Xing Guang Shao the concubine took the red precious textile; Niu Hu, the crown prince, took the two horses; thereupon, Zeng Yang took the two swords; the minister³⁵ took the valuable shoes. Only the [two] valuable elephants were left and the king himself took them. [9.3.] As the king Meng Guang distributed all those five valuable things (i.e., presents) offered [to him], he went to the place of the Honored [Kātyāyana] and bowed to his feet. He sat next [to the Honored Kātyāyana],³⁶ and said: “O most virtuous! [All of your] generous achievements are far-reaching and deep; one can hardly speak in detail [about them]. I sincerely hold [my] throne and dedicate it to the Honored [Kātyāyana] (i.e., you). And I only hope that your Benevolence takes pity [on me] and accepts [it]”. [9.4.] The Honored [Kātyāyana] replied: “Buddha conveys this teaching: He prevents all monks to accept a king’s throne!” The king spoke: “If this is the case, [then] you may take half of the country.” The Honored [Kātyāyana] replied: “I do not accept (lit., listen to) this, either.” [9.5.] The king spoke: “If accepting the rule of a country is what Buddha prevents you from, [then,] enjoying benefits related to the five desires³⁷ should in principle not do harm [to your beliefs]. [Therefore,] I will donate everything [to you].” The Honored [Kātyāyana] replied: “O Great King! Buddha forbids all desires!” [9.6.] The king spoke: “Now that you do not accept [my offerings], [I will grant you] all things you can receive and use, and [things] beyond that, [such as] household goods for your life. If you accept them, it would be a good fortune for me. You can use them as you desire.” The Honored [Kātyāyana] replied: “O Great King! Wait, I will ask (lit., speak to) Buddha.” The king spoke: “Ask Buddha at your will.”

Comparison between the Versions of the Story from Chinese and Arabic Textual Traditions

Differences between the Sections of the Plot

In the following, I will divide the plot of the episode into twelve sections (A–L) and compare the two Chinese versions of Yijing and Kinkara with the three versions reflecting the early Arabic textual tradition (from here onwards referred to as 3AV). In addition, I will note the similarities and differences that the two Chinese versions and the 3AV share with the Tibetan version³⁸ and the Older Syriac version³⁹ of the same episode:

Section A: The Dialogue between the King and the Philosopher, and the Introduction of the Minister and His Characteristics

The frame narrative of the story in the 3AV — a dialogue between the king and the philosopher introducing the moral of the story — is absent in the two Chinese versions as well as in the Tibetan version.⁴⁰ As we can find it also in the Older Syriac version of the story,⁴¹ we may ascribe this frame narrative to the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text, conventionally identified with Burzōy.⁴²

Section B: The King has Eight Dreams

In the 3AV there is only mention of the fact that the king had eight dreams at night.⁴³ According to Yijing’s Chinese version, the king first heard [in his dream?] the sound of six words coming from the earth and the sound of six words coming from the sky. Only after this, he had the eight dreams (part [1.1.] in the translation). Mention of the sounds of the twelve words is lacking from the 3AV at this point.⁴⁴ Only later in the episode (section H) do we learn that the king heard eight sounds, but no further details or interpretations are presented.⁴⁵ Kinkara’s version mentions the eight dreams, which are placed as in Yijing’s version at the beginning of the episode.⁴⁶

In Yijing’s version is furthermore expression of time: The king has the dreams on the night immediately after killing a large number of Brahmins (part [1.1.] in the translation). This cannot be found in the 3AV or in Kinkara’s version. Finally, according to the 3AV, the king wakes up after each of the eight dreams and then goes to sleep,⁴⁷ a point that is missing in the two Chinese versions.

The Tibetan version of this section resembles Yijing’s version of the episode,⁴⁸ while the Older Syriac version is similar to the 3AV,⁴⁹ except that it also tells about the king hearing one powerful sound from the earth, yet without further detail.⁵⁰

In this section, Kinkara’s version does not resemble any of the other texts. Although it is somewhat closer to the Yijing-Tibetan texts in that it contains a list of the dreams at the beginning of the episode, there is no mention of a massacre of the Brahmins, nor do we learn about the fact that the king heard voices during the night of his dreams. We find these two pieces of information in all of the Arabic, Older Syriac, Yijing’s and Tibetan versions of the story.

Section C: List of the Words and List of the Eight Dreams

In Yijing’s version, we find a list of the twelve words coming from the earth and the sky and then a list of the eight dreams (parts [1.2.] and [1.3.] in the translation). The first list is entirely missing from the 3AV⁵¹ as well as from Kinkara’s version. The second list, that of the eight dreams, is included in the 3AV later in the story (in section I), where the sage interprets the dreams for the king.⁵² In Kinkara’s version, the list of the eight dreams is presented in this section, which makes it similar to Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions.⁵³

The text of Yijing’s version of this section is much longer than that of the 3AV. Moreover, and more importantly, a comparison between Yijing’s version, Kinkara’s version, and the 3AV reveals that the eight dreams of the king are not the same in all versions. The Tibetan version shows a clear similarity to Yijing’s version, and the Older Syriac version is similar to the 3AV.⁵⁴ Finally, Kinkara’s version is at variance with all other versions, and proves itself again in this section as dissimilar to any of the versions of the story discussed here.⁵⁵ The table below shows the similarities and variances between the 3AV, the two Chinese versions, and the Tibetan version with regard to the eight dreams, as well as the order of the dreams in each version.

Comparison of 3AV, Yijing’s and Kinkara’s Chinese versions, and Tibetan version of the eight dreams in the story of The King and His Dreams

Citation: Journal of Abbasid Studies 9, 1-2 (2022) ; 10.1163/22142371-00802008

• Download Figure
• Download figure as PowerPoint slide

View Full Size

Comparison of 3AV, Yijing’s and Kinkara’s Chinese versions, and Tibetan version of the eight dreams in the story of The King and His Dreams

Citation: Journal of Abbasid Studies 9, 1-2 (2022) ; 10.1163/22142371-00802008

• Download Figure
• Download figure as PowerPoint slide

Comparison of 3AV, Yijing’s and Kinkara’s Chinese versions, and Tibetan version of the eight dreams in the story of The King and His Dreams

Citation: Journal of Abbasid Studies 9, 1-2 (2022) ; 10.1163/22142371-00802008

• Download Figure
• Download figure as PowerPoint slide

Section D: The King Summons the Brahmins to Interpret the dreams

In Yijing’s version, the king summons only one Brahmin (part [2.1.] in the translation), while in Kinkara’s version as well as in the 3AV, a group of Brahmins is commanded to interpret the dreams.⁵⁶ As such, Yijing’s version remains a separate narrative as far as this section is concerned.⁵⁷

Section E: The Brahmins’ Plan for Revenge

The one Brahmin in Yijing’s version knows that the king’s dreams are fortunate. However, he presents a false interpretation because he is afraid that the king’s good dreams will increase his arrogance and, consequently, he would kill more of the Brahmins (remember that the king had the dreams in the night after killing a large number of them). Nevertheless, the Brahmin has no plan to take revenge and does not try to convince the king to execute any person (part [2.2.] in the translation). On the other hand, according to the 3AV, the group Brahmins planned to take revenge by convincing the king to execute most of the persons closest and dearest to him.

In Kinkara’s version, there is no mention of the king’s massacre of the Brahmins. They only dislike the king and are jealous of the sage Kātyāyana, and therefore they urge the king to execute those he hold most dear at his court. Hence, their false interpretation cannot be understood as an act of revenge. However, Kinkara’s version is closer to the 3AV in this section, since in both versions the king is encouraged to slay those he holds dear. In Kinkara’s version, the king is also asked to kill his elephant, camel, and his best horse.⁵⁸ Moreover, the text of this section is in the 3AV much longer than in the two Chinese versions, comprising a dialogue between the Brahmins, as well as one between them and the king.⁵⁹

In all, Kinkara’s version, the Tibetan version, and the Older Syriac versions are similar to that of the Arabic tradition,⁶⁰ whereas Yijing’s version constitutes a separate narrative in which nothing threatens those at court who are dear to the king.

Section F: The Minister Perceives the King’s Sorrow and Encourages the Queen to Visit Him and Find Out the Reason

This part of the episode is fully absent in our two Chinese versions. In fact, unlike the 3AV which include a long dialogue between the minister and the queen,⁶¹ there is no mention at all of a minister in Yijing’s or Kinkara’s versions. The Tibetan version resembles the Chinese versions in lacking this scene, and the Older Syriac version resembles the 3AV.⁶²

Section G: The Queen Warns the King of the Brahmins and Encourages Him to go to the Sage to Ask about the Interpretation of His Dreams

In Yijing’s version, the king decides to go to the sage on his own initiative, not encouraged by the queen (part [2.5.] of the translation).⁶³ In the 3AV, the queen and the minister play a crucial role completely lacking from this episode in Yijing’s version. The dialogue between the queen and the king is very prominent in the 3AV.⁶⁴ In Kinkara’s version, the queen recognizes the king’s sorrow, and as she learns that the king will soon execute her along with some others at court, she goes to the sage and listens to the Buddhist Doctrines. There, she learns about the true interpretation of the king’s dreams, after she reveals the king’s dreams to the sage.⁶⁵

The Tibetan version of this section, being very short, and the Older Syriac version resemble the 3AV in which the king is encouraged by the queen to go to the sage.⁶⁶ Yijing’s and Kinkara’s versions constitute two varying individual narratives.

Section H: The King Tells the Sage about His Dreams, His Meeting with Brahmins, and What They Told Him

The plot of Yijing’s version (part [2.6.] to [2.7.] of the translation) and that of the 3AV are similar.⁶⁷ The differences in the two narratives refer to the list of dreams mentioned above (section C). As mentioned in Section G, in Kinkara’s version it is the queen who goes to the sage.

The Tibetan version resembles Yijing’s version⁶⁸ in this section, and the Older Syriac version is similar to the 3AV.⁶⁹ Kinkara’s version constitutes a separate narrative dissimilar to all other versions.

Section I: The Sage Interprets the King’s Dreams

The plot is the same in Yijing’s version (part [3.1.] to [7.5.] of the translation), Kinkara’s version, and the 3AV.⁷⁰ The differences between these three narratives go back to the dreams and their interpretations.⁷¹ Since the sage interprets the twelve words as well as the eight dreams in this section, Yijing’s version is much longer than Kinkara’s version and the 3AV.

The Tibetan version here is very lengthy and shows a strong similarity to Yijing’s version,⁷² while the Older Syriac version is much closer to the 3AV.⁷³ With regard to the dream-interpretations, Kinkara’s version is, again, unlike all other versions.⁷⁴

Section J: The King is Relieved, Returns to the Palace, and Waits for the Realization of His Dreams

The 3AV⁷⁵ and Yijing’s version (part [8.1.] to [8.2.] in the translation) have a similar plot. According to Yijing’s version, the king receives instructions relating to his dreams and the sound of the twelve words, all missing from the 3AV. We read in Kinkara’s version that the queen, learning about the dreams’ interpretation, is still afraid that the king is going to kill her. Only when she hears that the first present will arrive that same day, she is relieved.⁷⁶

The Tibetan version of this section⁷⁷ resembles Yijing’s version while the Older Syriac version is very close to the 3AV.⁷⁸ Again, Kinkara’s version is a single different narrative of this section.

Section K: After the Presents Arrive, the King Distributes Them among the Persons Closest to Him

The plot of Yijing’s version (part [8.3.] to [9.2.] in the translation) resembles that of the 3AV, although the presents that have arrived are different in the two traditions.⁷⁹ In Kinkara’s version, we learn that only the queen and the concubine receive presents; even the sage does not receive anything.⁸⁰

Furthermore, in the 3AV, we find a dialogue between the king and his minister about the virtue of having erudite, wise advisers, whom one can consult in great need. In this dialogue, the queen is praised for her advice. Although it has the same plot, Yijing’s and Kinkara’s versions lack this dialogue entirely, a fact that makes the 3AV longer than these two Chinese versions of this section.

The Tibetan version resembles Yijing’s,⁸¹ and the Older Syriac version is very similar to the 3AV.⁸² In this section, too, Kinkara’s version is different from all the other versions.

Section L: The Final Scene of the Episode

According to the 3AV, in the last scene, the king goes to the queen in the company of the minister to offer her a choice between two presents.⁸³ In Yijing’s version, the queen receives one of the presents, similar to other members at the king’s court, and the story ends differently: Having sent one of the presents to the sage, the king himself goes to sage’s place to show respect for him and his religion. The king offers the sage his kingdom, which the sage rejects (part [9.3.] to [9.6.] in the translation). These details make Yijing’s version notably longer than the Arabic versions. In Kinkara’s version, we find yet a third ending: In the final scene, the king and the queen go together to the sage where the king converts to the latter’s religion.⁸⁴

In this section, the Tibetan version resembles Yijing’s version,⁸⁵ and the Older Syriac version shows a strong similarity to the 3AV.⁸⁶ As in many other sections, Kinkara’s version represents a separate narrative.

Analysis

A comparison between the Chinese versions of Yijing and Kinkara on the one hand and the 3AV on the other reveals that Yijing’s version differs from that of the 3AV with regard to the following eight aspects.

1. Before the eight dreams, the king hears [in another dream?] the sound of twelve words coming from the earth and the sky (and learns about their interpretation later);⁸⁷

2. The content of the king’s eight dreams (and consequently, their interpretation) differ from those in the 3AV;

3. The king summons only one Brahmin to interpret his dreams;

4. The one Brahmin does not urge the king to execute anybody;

5. The minister’s character is absent;

6. It is the king himself who decides to go to the sage, not on the queen’s proposal;

7. The queen’s role as a concerned adviser is absent;

8. In the last scene, the king goes to the sage (to offer him his kingdom), not to the queen (to bestow a present on her).

In Kinkara’s version, the following eight elements are distinct from that of the 3AV.

1. The king’s eight dreams generally differ from those in the 3AV;

2. The Brahmins encourage the king to execute those dear to him; there is no mention of the king’s massacre of Brahmins or Brahmin revenge, they merely dislike the king and are jealous of the sage;

3. In addition to the people dear to the king at the court, the Brahmins ask the king to kill his horse, his elephant and his camel;

4. The minister’s character is absent;

5. It is the queen, who recognizes the king’s sorrow, and it is she who visits the sage and learns about the true interpretation of the king’s dreams;

6. The queen’s role as a concerned adviser is missing;

7. Among the people dear to the king, only the queen and the concubine receive presents; even the sage is granted no gift;

8. In the final scene the king and the queen together pay a visit to the sage, and the king converts to the religion of the sage.

In each of the twelve sections there are also details that vary between Yijing’s version and the 3AV, especially in the sections C (lists of the dreams), I (dreams’ interpretation) and L (king showing respect to Kātyāyana, the sage). The details in the sections C and I relate to the interpretation of the twelve words which constitutes almost half of Yijing’s version. The king is warned of the fate of six sinful kings and instructed on how to help the six animals that have faced trouble in his residence palace.⁸⁸ Section L contains various details about the gratitude and respect that the king shows to the sage.⁸⁹ In short, the details in Yijing’s version underline the significance of Buddhism and retain cultural concepts specific to Buddhist religion.

The above-mentioned observations regarding the details of the story hold also true for the most part of Kinkara’s version. Although shorter than the text of the 3AV, this Chinese version, similar to Yijing’s version, contains more details in the sections C, I, and L than the 3AV, and is shorter in other sections. Like Yijing’s version, Kinkara’s version emphasizes the role of the sage and the truth of his religion and makes no mention of the queen’s role as a caring adviser.

On the other hand, the 3AV contain considerably more details in the sections E (king’s dialogue with the Brahmins), F (minister’s dialogue with the queen) and G (queen’s dialogue with the king). The text of the 3AV presents dialogues among the major protagonists (the king, the Brahmins, the minister, and the queen) and dramatizes the role of the minister and especially of the queen as caring advisers to the king. In fact, the minister and the queen are the major characters of the episode in the 3AV. Unlike in Yijing’s and Kinkara’s versions, the role of the sage in the 3AV is marginalized, although he is the one who saves the king.

In sum, it seems that the differences in the plot of various sections as well as in the details of similar plots create different morals for the story. While Yijing’s and Kinkara’s texts urge to follow the teachings of Buddha and to have faith in his teachings, the moral of the 3AV for the king is the necessity of having wise and erudite advisers, an idea clearly stated in the frame narrative (section A) of these three versions of the Arabic textual tradition.⁹⁰

The Tibetan version is considered the most complete among all known Buddhist recensions of the story of The King and His Dreams. It is also the one that agrees most with the story in the Arabic Kalīla wa-Dimna. Our analysis of the twelve sections of the episode shows a close similarity between Yijing’s version and the Tibetan one, confirming Édouard Chavannes’s observation.⁹¹ Kinkara’s version, on the other hand, shows clear discrepancies with Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions. Although similar to Yijing’s version in the sections A, B and F, it constitutes a unique and separate version in all of sections C, G, H, I, J, K and L.⁹²

The differences between Yijing’s and Kinkara’s texts complicate the picture of the transmission of the story of The King and His Dreams in East and Southeast Asia considerably, showing that Buddhist versions of the story differ among themselves. If Yijing’s and Kinkara’s texts are based on Sanskrit originals, it would imply that various Sanskrit versions of the story circulated in South Asia, either simultaneously or at different times. The comparison between the three Buddhist texts (two Chinese and one Tibetan) allow us to draw the conclusion that Yijing’s and the Tibetan texts most probably belong to the same Sanskrit recension of the story, while Kinkara’s text likely originates in a separate Sanskrit recension.

As we have seen above, compared to Yijing’s text, the Tibetan version displays more similarity to the 3AV in at least three sections — D (the number of Brahmins summoned to interpret the dreams), E (Brahmins’ plan to take revenge) and G (the queen’s proposal to the king to go to the sage). This implies that Yijing’s text and the Tibetan text represent two varying versions of the same Sanskrit recension of the story, the Tibetan version being closer to the Middle Persian version (as reflected in the Old Syriac version and the 3AV) than to Yijing’s version.⁹³ This would mean that either the Sanskrit Vorlage of the Middle Persian text was closer to that of the Tibetan version, or Yijing’s version was altered during its translation and transmission within the Chinese textual tradition.

Our analysis of the twelve sections of the story also reveals that the plot of Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions shows stronger similarities to the 3AV than to Kinkara’s text. This implies that, if the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text had access to various Sanskrit recensions, he chose the one that was more similar to the Vorlage of Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions. The reason for this selection could have been that the queen and the minister play a crucial role in the Tibetan and Yijing’s versions that are as such more in accordance with the agenda of the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text. The second episode of the story, however, in which the minister handles the king’s fierce anger and saves the life of the queen, is entirely absent in Kinkara’s text. In sum, if Chinese or Tibetan translators could have chosen the Sanskrit text that best suited their purposes, so might the compiler-author of the Middle Persian Kalīla wa-Dimna have done.

Moreover, we may be able to trace the redaction of the Middle Persian text in the process of its translation and compilation. As shown above, a comparison between the 3AV and the Older Syriac version shows their closeness in all twelve sections of the story and in almost all details. Assuming that the various Arabic versions and the Old Syriac version rely on the Middle Persian text, this close similarity provides insight in the composition of the Middle Persian version of the story. The original Sanskrit recensions, which made the Vorlage of the Middle Persian text, were Buddhist texts, as is reflected in the two Chinese and the Tibetan versions. However, as we have seen, details in the dialogues between the major protagonists in the 3AV and the Older Syriac version, as well as the absence of the king’s dreams about the twelve words and their interpretation, seem to indicate a removal of the religious “color” of the Buddhist text. One may assume that the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text adjusted the Sanskrit version to fit the agenda and context of his book. And since the frame narrative (section A) to the story is present in all chapters of the 3AV and almost all chapters of the Old Syriac version,⁹⁴ but absent in Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions, it must have been the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text who introduced this narrative that implies that the story is supposed to serve as a mirror for princes. He may also have intentionally highlighted the role of the minister and the queen and at once marginalized the role of the sage, because queen and minister represent in the episode two types of advisers in a royal household.⁹⁵ And if this is the case, the question remains why the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text did not favor a sage with religious authority as adviser of a king. This remains, however, a topic for further study.⁹⁶

Conclusion

Our investigation of two rarely-studied Chinese versions of the story of The King and His Dreams, the versions of Yijing and Kinkara, has shown that they have different plots and are most probably translations of different recensions of the story from the Sanskrit textual tradition. Of these two Chinese versions, Yijing’s text shows a stronger similarity in various scenes to the three oldest dated versions of the story in the Arabic textual tradition (3AV). However, the text also differs in some of the details and contains material that is absent in the 3AV. While the moral of this Chinese version seems to be a warning about the fate of sinful people and an encouragement to help others, the texts of the 3AV are explicitly identified in the frame narrative as belonging to political advice literature.⁹⁷ The sage is central to Yijing’s text, whereas the queen stands at the center of the episode in the 3AV. The Tibetan version, as we have seen, is very similar to Yijing’s version.

Comparing the 3AV with the Older Syriac version of the story, we can see a close identity. This suggests that the Middle Persian text of Kalīla wa-Dimna, on which the Older Syriac and the Arabic versions are based, contained a similar version of the episode. This in turn implies that the Tibetan and Yijing’s texts, both agreeing best with the Arabic versions of the episode, belong to the same Sanskrit recension from which the Vorlage of the compiler-author of the Middle Persian text originated. If the translator of the Middle Persian text had access to both Yijing’s and Kinkara’s versions, he chose the one that best suited his purpose. Unlike Kinkara’s version, the queen and the minister play a key role in Yijing’s and the Tibetan versions with regard to the king’s affairs,⁹⁸ and this would suit better the agenda of the Middle Persian text. In Kinkara’s version, however, the minister is absent in the whole story, and the queen only accidently saves the king.

It is very difficult to argue which variances between Yijing’s-Tibetan version and the recension in the Middle Persian text go back to the adjustment of the compiler-author of the latter. However, we can safely ascribe to him the addition of the frame narrative which is found in almost all stories in Kalīla wa-Dimna in the Arabic and Syriac textual traditions. Moreover, we might also attribute to him firstly the addition of those details which, compared to Yijing’s and the Tibetan texts, enlarge the dialogues between the protagonists in the episode to dramatize their role, and secondly the elimination of the details that have a Buddhist moral or religious significance.