1 Introduction¹

The Dalāʾil al-khayrāt (“Guidelines to the blessings”) is a prayer book containing a collection of blessings upon the Prophet Muḥammad. Composed during the fifteenth century by the Moroccan Sufi Abū ʿAbdullāh Muḥammad ibn Sulaymān al-Jazūlī al-Simlālī (d. c. 870/1465),² it became immensely successful and was circulated widely across the Sunni Islamic world. Manuscript copies and printed editions of this text were often illustrated. The images they featured include the tombs of the Prophet Muḥammad and his two successors (rawḍa), the Prophet’s pulpit (minbar), or scenes of Mecca and Medina. As such, these manuscripts and printed books are an invaluable resource for the study of devotional art in Islam and the transmission of images within the Islamic world.³

This article focusses on a selection of illuminated and illustrated manuscripts of the Dalāʾil from Southeast Asia dating from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. There are a number of reasons why these manuscripts are important. Firstly, they attest to links and contacts between the region and the broader Islamic world, and the numerous copies that have been produced demonstrate the popularity of the text among local communities. Secondly, they are particularly important for the study of Southeast Asian art. As copies of the Dalāʾil were often illustrated, they assist our understanding of the connections between art and religious practices, and how iconographies that were transmitted into the region were “localized”.

2 The Dalāʾil in Southeast Asia

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Map 1

Map of Southeast Asia showing areas where manuscripts of the Dalāʾil al-khayrāt have been produced or found

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

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To date, the author is aware of at least 67 Dalāʾil manuscripts from Southeast Asia, at least 51 per cent of which are illustrated and/or illuminated (see Appendix).⁴ Many of the manuscripts do not have colophons, but identified places of production include Sumatra, the Malay peninsula, Java, Western Borneo, and South Sulawesi (see Map 1). Outside of Southeast Asia, a copy of the Dalāʾil with a Malay colophon has been found in South Africa (it may have been produced by an Indonesian prisoner on Robben Island).⁵ No doubt there are further copies in public and private collections worldwide that have yet to be identified.

The manuscripts date from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century, in line with Southeast Asian manuscripts in general. It is rare to find books that were produced prior to this period, due to a number of factors including the hot and humid climate of the region, insects (such as termites), fire, and natural disasters.⁶ The lack of early copies of the Dalāʾil means that it is difficult to ascertain its early history, transmission, and development in Southeast Asia.

The earliest known dated copies of the Dalāʾil were produced in the 1140s/1730s. One, dated 1143/1730, was most likely copied in Sumatra, and is currently MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 10.806 (Figure 1).⁷ The other, from Java, dated 1148/1736, is now MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.1623 (Figure 2).⁸ Both contain images of the rawḍa and minbar of the Prophet, demonstrating that illustrated manuscripts of the Dalāʾil were present in the region from at least the early eighteenth century.

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Figure 1

Rawḍa and minbar of the Prophet. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Sumatra, 1143/1730

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 10.806, fols. 33v–34r

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It is worth noting that Sufi devotional books were already circulating in Southeast Asia at least a century earlier. A manuscript from Aceh or Java of the Qaṣīdat al-burda (“Ode of the Mantle”)—a poem praising the Prophet composed by the Mamluk poet al-Būṣīrī (1211–1294)—containing an interlinear Malay translation, was already present in Europe by 1624.⁹ It is therefore possible that similar devotional works such as the Dalāʾil were present in Southeast Asia much earlier than the manuscript evidence suggests.

The channels of transmission of the Dalāʾil and other devotional texts into Southeast Asia, and the extent of their circulation in the region prior to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, are unclear. Nevertheless, they would have been linked to the development and practice of Sufism in the region. Islam began to be formally adopted by polities in northern Sumatra during the thirteenth century, subsequently spreading throughout the rest of Southeast Asia, particularly among the ports and urban centres, over the following three centuries. The presence of Sufi orders among these early Muslim communities and networks is likely, but information about them is scarce due to the paucity of surviving historical records.¹⁰ It is only from the sixteenth century onwards that we have direct evidence of Sufism in the region, which was largely influenced by the teachings of scholars who had studied in Mecca and Medina. Among the most popular orders were the Shaṭṭāriyya, the Khalwatiyya, and the Naqshbandiyya in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and the Sammāniyya and the Qādiriyya waʾl-Naqshbandiyya in the nineteenth century.¹¹ Whether the Dalāʾil can be linked to any particular order has yet to be investigated.

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Figure 2

Rawḍa and minbar of the Prophet. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Java, 1148/1736.

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.1623, fols. 56v–57r. © Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia

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However, we know that the education of Hijaz-based scholars included learning the Dalāʾil. For instance, in his bio-bibliography Kifāyat al-mustafīd li-mā ʿalā min al-asānīd, the Javanese scholar Muḥammad Maḥfūẓ bin ʿAbdillah al-Tarmusī (d. 1338/1920) records that he had learned the Dalāʾil and received a licence (ijāza) from a shaikh at the Mosque of the Prophet in Medina.¹² When they returned to their homelands, these scholars often set up religious schools and spread what they had learned abroad locally. It is therefore not surprising to note that the areas where the majority of copies of the Dalāʾil have been found (Aceh, Patani, Banten, etc.) were also centres of Islamic learning during the eighteenth to early twentieth century (see Map 1).¹³

While studying in the Hijaz, these scholars would almost certainly have come across and been influenced by local manuscript traditions, such as those prevalent in the core lands of the Ottoman Empire. This would certainly have had some impact on the development on the Southeast Asian manuscript tradition of the Dalāʾil, both in terms of the textual contents and the choice and style of the images. An important piece of evidence for an Ottoman connection is a manuscript, MS 45807, now held at SOAS University of London, which was copied in Sandıklı, Turkey and dated 1174/1760.¹⁴ It contains two illuminated headings in the Ottoman style and a double-page illustration of Mecca and Medina (fols. 15v–16r; Figure 3a). The flyleaf at the front of the manuscript contains a duʿāʾ for drinking water from the Zamzam well in Mecca. Of particular interest is that the Arabic text is accompanied by an interlinear Malay translation, written in a different hand and probably added later (Figure 3b). The history of this manuscript still requires further investigation, but it demonstrates that Ottoman copies of the Dalāʾil were circulating among Southeast Asian communities, and would have been one of the routes for the transmission of the text and its images into Southeast Asia. Elements of Ottoman illumination styles can be found in some Southeast Asian copies of the Dalāʾil, but the common Ottoman three-dimensional renderings of Mecca and Medina are not found. Instead, the styles of the illustrations are largely derived from local artistic traditions, with perhaps some degree of Indian influence, as will be discussed below.

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Figure 3a

Mecca and Medina. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, copied in Sandıklı, Turkey, in 1174/1760

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS London, SOAS 45807, fols. 15v–16r. Courtesy of SOAS

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Figure 3b

Duʿāʾ for drinking Zamzam water with interlinear Malay translation. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, copied in Sandıklı, Turkey, in 1174/1760

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS London, SOAS 45807, flyleaf. Courtesy of SOAS

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In MS Jakarta, Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, W. 295, the Dalāʾil is followed by other texts, accompanied by interlinear Malay translations. They also include some numbers and headings in Turkish, and at the end there is a marginal note on. fol. 188v, in Malay, which reads:

Kemudian daripada ini semuanya Bahasa Turki, tiada seorang yang boleh mengetahui melainkan Allah

All is further on in Turkish, nobody understands it but Allah¹⁵.

It indicates that the scribe was copying the texts from a Turkish source—providing another clue to an Ottoman-Southeast Asian connection. The manuscript, dated 1228/1813, was from the collection of Hermann von de Wall (1807–1873), a German administrator-scholar who served the Dutch colonial government. Most of his manuscripts were collected in Riau where he was predominantly based.

A number of manuscripts reveal associations with the Hadhrami diaspora, who migrated from the Hadhramaut region in Yemen/South Arabia to various locations across the Indian Ocean, including Southeast Asia, particularly during the seventeenth to the early twentieth century. Their two highest social classes were the sayyid (who were descendants of the Prophet Muḥammad) and the shaykh (who were not). Primarily affiliated to the ʿAlawiyya order, by virtue of their birth the sayyid typically held religious authority within Hadhrami society. Their noble status was recognized in Southeast Asia and they often married into the local elite.¹⁶ Among the most prominent of the sayyid families in Southeast Asia were the al-ʿAydarūs (also spelled al-Idrus), whose lineage can be traced to Abū Bakr al-ʿAydarūs (d. 1508), the patron saint of Aden.¹⁷ As will be seen below, several of the Dalāʾil manuscripts were copied or owned by sayyids of the al-ʿAydarūs line.

Another Hadhrami connection can be seen in MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, FB (A) 1027, which was donated to the library by Haji Fathil Bashir in 1984.¹⁸ This is almost certainly Fathil Basheer (1899–1994), grandson of Syeikh Omar Basheer (1811–1884), an important community leader in Penang during the nineteenth century.¹⁹ Their family was of Hadhrami descent and it is perhaps worth noting that Omar Basheer was initiated into the Naqshbandiyya order. The role played by the local Hadhrami communities in the region, and the Indian Ocean network in general, in the practice and dissemination of the Dalāʾil in Southeast Asia is something worth investigating in future research.

3 Function and Usage

The Dalāʾil is a collection of blessings (ṣalawāt) upon the Prophet Muḥammad, and it may be recited individually in private or in groups. Uttering ṣalawāt is not only an expression of one’s piety and devotion towards the Prophet, but also rewards the practitioner with spiritual and worldly benefits.²⁰ Perhaps of more direct relevance to the Dalāʾil and included in al-Jazūlī’s preface of the text that might explain the wide circulation of the text in manuscript and printed forms, is the following saying by the Prophet regarding books of blessings:

Wa-qāla ṣallaʾllāhu ʿalaihi wa-sallam: Man ṣallā ʿalayya fī kitābin lam tazali-l-malāʾikatu tuṣallī ʿalaihi mādāma ʾsmī fi dhālika-l-kitāb.

And he said: Whoever blesses me in a book, the angels will not cease to bless him as long as my name continues in this book²¹

In Southeast Asia, the recitation of the Dalāʾil was, and continues to be, practiced by various communities across the region.²² The practices in certain areas have idiosyncrasies that suggest that the rituals have been influenced by local traditions. The Dalāʾil is particularly popular in Aceh, North Sumatra, where it is typically recited by groups of young men on Friday nights (malam Jumaat)²³ or during festivities and ceremonies such as mawlid celebrations and weddings.²⁴ The recitations have a melodious quality and are accompanied by rhythmic body movements, and thus can be thought of as a form of performance art.²⁵

Among the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra, the Dalāʾil is closely associated with funeral rites. It is performed by troupes of young men on certain days following a person’s death, at the home of the deceased, providing solace to the family.²⁶ It was also recited at the graves of saints, accompanied by the beating of metal trays (talam).²⁷

In Central and East Java, the reading of the Dalāʾil is accompanied by a ritual of fasting known as Puasa Dalail Khairat (“The Fasting of the Dalāʾil al-khayrāt”). This involves fasting for three years (except for certain days during which fasting is forbidden), while reciting the Dalāʾil daily. The Puasa Dalail Khairat is preceded by a year of Puasa Dalail Qurʾan, whereby the fasting is accompanied by reading one juzʾ of the Qurʾan per day.²⁸ It is unclear when these fasting traditions began, but they evolved out of a wish to increase one’s concentration when reciting the Dalāʾil and the Qurʾan.²⁹

Apart from being part of Sufi devotional practice, the Dalāʾil was also popular in times of hardship and war, such as during struggles against non-Muslim forces.³⁰ Al-Jazūlī’s composition of the text should be seen in the context of the Portuguese incursion into Morocco during the fifteenth century.³¹ There are indications that the Dalāʾil was similarly involved in fights against European powers in Southeast Asia. During the eighteenth to early twentieth century, the Dutch and the British were expanding their power in the region. Some Dalāʾil manuscripts from Aceh were confiscated by the Dutch from local resistance fighters as war booty.³² A prayer book containing the Dalāʾil, copied in 1229/1814 in Natal, West Sumatra, and now in Leiden University Library (Or. 1751), is said to have once belonged to Tuanku Imam Bonjol (1772–1864) (Figure 4).³³ He led the Padri movement, a group of radical Islamic reformers who were challenging the traditional establishments in the Minangkabau region, against the Dutch, and this manuscript was supposedly taken after battle in 1837 in which he was defeated by the Dutch.

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Figure 4

Illumination marking the start of the 201 names of the Prophet. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, in the prayer book of Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Natal, Sumatra, 1229/1814

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 1751, pp. 343–344

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The presence of the manuscripts among fighters indicates that they were carried on the person as apotropaic objects and for encouragement and strength. Indeed, there are historical accounts that mention the talismanic usage of the Dalāʾil in battle. The Tuhfat al-nafis (“The Precious Gift”), a nineteenth-century Malay historical work, includes an account of the revered Bugis leader Raja Haji Fisabilillah of Riau (1727–1784). In 1784, he fought against the Dutch forces in Melaka on the Malay peninsula. According to the Tuhfat al-nafis, as he ordered his troops to attack, he recited the Dalāʾil. Later in the battle he charged against the Dutch soldiers holding a dagger in one hand and a copy of the Dalāʾil in the other, but he was shot and died as a martyr.³⁴

Similarly, during the Java War (1825–1830), the Dalāʾil was one of the texts used to rally the Javanese troops in their fight against the Dutch.³⁵

A number of manuscripts were copied or owned by royal patrons: MS Leipzig, University Library, Gabelentz 52, from Palembang;³⁶ MS Jakarta, Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, A. 78–A. 81, from Banten; and MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.2607, from Terengganu (see below).³⁷ They demonstrate an interest in the Dalāʾil among the ruling elite of Southeast Asian society.

4 The Text

The textual contents and structure of Southeast Asian Dalāʾil manuscripts are similar to those from other parts of the Islamic world. The core text of the Dalāʾil consists of the following:

1. A preface or introduction by al-Jazūlī in which he discusses the title and aims of the book, followed by the benefits of reciting blessings upon the Prophet.

2. A list of the Prophet’s 201 names.

3. Description of the Prophet’s tomb and those of his two successors, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar. In the text, the tombs are referred to as the rawḍa (garden).³⁸

4. The main text of the Dalāʾil. This is divided into eight sections known as ḥizb, with each one containing prayers to be recited on a specific day of the week. Typically, the sequence runs from Monday to the following Monday. Apart from being divided into eight daily sections, the text can also be split into Quarters, Thirds, and Halves. These are thought to be relics of an earlier type of division of the text.³⁹

Additional elements may be added before or after this core text, such as various duʿāʾ (supplications) and the chain of transmission of the Dalāʾil (isnād) (found in MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.2607, and MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793). These additional elements may differ between copies of the Dalāʾil. However, in two manuscripts, the main text of the Dalāʾil is followed by a series of ṣalawāt, duʿāʾ, magical prescriptions and divinatory techniques, including a 7 × 7 Latin square containing the symbols known as the Seven Seals of Solomon (MS Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Mal-Pol 109, fol. 123v; and MS Leipzig, University Library, Gabelentz 52, fol. 163v).⁴⁰ This indicates some sort of relationship between the two copies, and they could perhaps be traced to a common source.

The core text of the Dalāʾil itself may vary between copies. From the list of the 201 names of the Prophet, we can see that there are at least two recensions of the text. Often, the names end with Ṣāḥib al-faraj (“Master of Joy”), but there are also manuscripts in which the list ends with Karīm al-makhraj (“Noble of Ending”).⁴¹ By grouping the manuscripts by the names they contain, we may plot their geographical and temporal distribution to see if they could help clarify any patterns of transmission and circulation of the Dalāʾil in the region.

5 Translations into Local Languages

An important development of the text in Southeast Asia was its translation into local languages such as Malay and Javanese.

We find manuscripts of the Dalāʾil being translated into other languages in other parts of the Islamic world; for instance, there are Kashmiri copies with interlinear Persian translations.⁴² Several Southeast Asian manuscripts contain interlinear Malay translations in Jawi script (Malay in Arabic script), including MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2586, most likely copied in Terengganu, dated 1256/1840 (Figure 6).⁴³ According to the colophon, it was copied by Syed Ahmad ibn Syed Muhammad al-Idrus (d. 1315/1897; also known as Tok Ku Malaka). He belonged to the al-ʿAydarūs family, who, from the nineteenth century, became a prominent group of ʿulamāʾ in Terengganu and were closely involved with the religious affairs of the sultanate.⁴⁴ Al-Idrus had spent time in Mecca and was the author of several religious works.⁴⁵ In this manuscript he did not merely copy the Dalāʾil but appears to have also been its translator.⁴⁶

The Malay translation appears underneath the Arabic text. The title of the work, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt wa-shawāriq al-anwār fī dhikr al-ṣalawāt ʿala al-nabīyyi al-mukhtār, has been translated (word for word, rather than idiomatically) as: Segala dalil / segala kebajikan / dan segala benda dan / segala cahaya / pada / menyatakan / selawat / atas nabi / yang dipilih (“All proofs / all goodness / and all things and / all lights / on / saying / blessings / upon the prophet / who was chosen”) (fol. 1v). The tombs of the Prophet and his Companions, referred to in Arabic as rawḍa (garden), has been translated as kebung (i.e. kebun, garden) (fol. 16r).

Two other manuscripts in the Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia also contain interlinear Malay translations, and they both appear to have a connection to al-Idrus or his family. MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368 was copied in Singapore in 1298/1881 (Figure 10),⁴⁷ while MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793 was probably copied in Jeruju Besar, western Borneo, and dated 1310/1892 (Figure 11).⁴⁸ The interlinear Malay translations in the two manuscripts are almost identical, and both copies also have similar single-page illustration of the tombs. The colophon of MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368 notes that Syed Ahmad al-Idrus was one of the copyists,⁴⁹ and that he had verified it (ditashihkannya) and translated it into Malay “so that it will benefit those who do not know Arabic” (itu supaya boleh mengambil manfaat dengan dia oleh segala orang yang tiada mengetahui mereka itu dengan Bahasa Arab) (fol. 127r). The Malay translation in these two manuscripts slightly differs from that of the Terengganu manuscript, with more of the original Arabic text preserved. For instance, the tombs are referred under their Arabic term, rawḍa.

The Jeruju Besar manuscript, MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793 contains additional material that is not found in the Singapore copy, MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368, such as a chain of transmission of the Dalāʾil ending with al-Jazūlī (fol. 6r). Its colophon (fol. 6v) provides ownership notes with the names of two people also with the surname al-Idrus.⁵⁰ Their identities and relationship with Syed Ahmad al-Idrus are still unclear.

There is at least another copy of the Dalāʾil with an al-Idrus connection. The colophon of MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.2607, most probably copied in Terengganu and dated 1250/1835, contains the name of al-Idrus’s cousin, Syed Muhammad ibn al-Marhum Zainal Abidin al-Idrus (also known as Tok Ku Tuan Besar, d. 1295/1878), with a chain of transmission ending with al-Jazūlī.⁵¹ Educated in Mecca, Syed Muhammad al-Idrus was one of the most prominent religious scholars in Terengganu.⁵² This Dalāʾil manuscript contains illuminations and illustrations painted in gold, suggesting that it was produced for a royal patron.⁵³

One manuscript from Java (MS London, British Library, IO Islamic 2939), dateable to the eighteenth–nineteenth century, contains an interlinear Javanese translation in Pegon script (Javanese in Arabic script).⁵⁴

6 Illumination

Illumination in Southeast Asian Dalāʾil manuscripts serves not only to beautify them, but also to mark sections of a text, particularly those that are deemed important. These typically include the introduction to the text, the beginning of the section on the 201 names of the Prophet (Figure 4), and the beginning of the recitations for the first Monday (Figure 6). Although the division of the Dalāʾil into eight daily sections may be marked within the manuscripts, often more prominence is given to the textual divisions of Quarters, Thirds, and Halves, which may receive more elaborate forms of decoration (Figure 5).⁵⁵ This might relate to the higher level of spirituality attributed to a reader who reads the Dalāʾil in four, three, or two parts, or even the whole book in one go.⁵⁶ That said, daily divisions are not ignored and are still noted in the manuscripts, but the decorative devices used to mark them are on a smaller scale and much less frequent.⁵⁷

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Figure 5

Double-page illumination marking the start of the second Quarter. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Sambas, early nineteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2996, fols. 45v–46r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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In general, the illumination styles borrow from the decorative repertoire used for Southeast Asian Qurʾans. These include the use of double-page illuminated frames and single headpieces, done in distinctive regional styles.⁵⁸ This enables us to assign a geographical origin to a manuscript when the colophon lacks such information.

The Syed Ahmad al-Idrus manuscript, MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2586, for instance, is beautifully illuminated in the Terengganu style, with the use of gold, black, red, light blue, and “reserved white” (uncoloured parts of the paper). The beginning of the recitations for the first Monday are decorated with an illuminated double-page (fols. 19v–20r; Figure 6). The arches on all three sides of the text block are linked with a continuous outline, with V-shaped finials emanating from the edges. Gold is one of the main colours used. These features are characteristic of the Terengganu style of manuscript illumination, commonly appearing in Qurʾans from the area.⁵⁹

Other sections of the manuscript are also illuminated. The beginning or end of a Quarter, Third, and Half are marked by decorative inscription bands. In contrast, apart from the start of the recitation for Tuesday (fol. 27r) and the end of Thursday (fol. 49r), the markers for the other days are not decorated.

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Figure 6

Double-page illumination marking the start of the first Monday recitations. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Terengganu, 1256/1840

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2586, fols. 19v–20r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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Figure 7

Double-page illumination marking the start of the Tuesday recitations. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Patani or Kelantan, nineteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.790, fols. 20v–21r. © Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia

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One manuscript in which the daily divisions are given greater prominence is MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.790, probably from Patani on the Malay peninsula, dateable to the nineteenth century (Figure 7).⁶⁰ In this manuscript, the beginning of the recitations for the first Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday are given illuminated double-frames or headpieces.⁶¹ The decoration is in the Patani style, characterized by an interlocking wave motif on the side arch emanating from the text block, particularly in the illuminated double-frame surrounding the start of Tuesday’s recitations (fols. 20v–21r).⁶² It is also worth noting that in another set of illuminated double frames within this manuscript (fols. 12v–13r),⁶³ “the half-arch at the top and bottom of each facing page which meet as if in the spine to form a full arch” is a style found in Indian Qurʾans but not in Southeast Asia.⁶⁴

Yet, it must also be emphasized that people, books, and designs travel, and thus a manuscript decorated with a particular regional style might not necessarily have been produced in that same region. For instance, the illumination in a Dalāʾil now in the Balai Maklumat Kebudayaan Melayu Riau, located on the island of Penyengat in the Riau Archipelago, reveals influence of the Terengganu style but with certain unusual features. These features are similar to those found in a Qurʾan dated 1867 copied by Abdurrahman Stambul of Penyengat (now in the Masjid Raya Sultan Riau, Penyengat), thus constituting a small group of a variant of the Terengganu style.⁶⁵

Furthermore, while illumination styles in Southeast Asian Qurʾans are fairly conservative (i.e. they do not deviate too much from basic prototypes), those in the Dalāʾil (as well as in manuscripts of the kitab maulid; see below) are less bound by such restrictions and can be a bit more varied. We thus find more examples of artists using existing stylistic conventions to generate new designs.⁶⁶

7 The Illustrations

As Jan Just Witkam has observed, within the Islamic world manuscripts of the Dalāʾil would often be illustrated in one of three ways:

• An illustration of the three tombs (rawḍa) on a single page;

• A double-page illustration, with one page (usually the right) showing the tombs, and the other depicting the pulpit of the Prophet in Medina;

• A double-page illustration with a general view of Mecca and Medina (usually with Mecca on the right and Medina on the left).⁶⁷

All three types are found among Southeast Asian manuscripts, but the styles are quite different to those from other parts of the Islamic world, as is their approach to spatial organization. At present, it is difficult to draw any conclusion on geographical or chronological trends regarding the distribution of these three types in Southeast Asia. Nevertheless, a number of other preliminary observations on the illustrations can be made.

Firstly, although these illustrations accompany the textual description of the tombs of the Prophet and his Companions, the placement of the images changes from manuscript to manuscript, and they are not necessarily placed within the exact passage of text. For instance, in the majority of cases they are positioned in the middle of the description of the tombs, but in a few instances they are placed immediately before or after the description.

Secondly, the illustrations incorporate local artistic styles and have connections with other media such as architecture, woodwork, and textiles.⁶⁸ Objects, buildings, and landscape elements are depicted with limited use of perspective, shading, or depth—common characteristics of traditional Southeast Asian paintings in general. Thus, the bird’s-eye view of Mecca and Medina, where the two sanctuaries are depicted in linear perspective—so common among Ottoman images from the eighteenth century onwards—are never found in Southeast Asia.⁶⁹ Another feature of the Southeast Asian visual idiom is that “refined” human beings (such as deities, princes and heroes) are typically depicted in a highly stylized way to conform to an aesthetic ideal, in contrast to those who are “coarse”, who are depicted in a more naturalistic manner. What merits further investigation is whether a similar hierarchy also applies to buildings, as that could explain the sometimes highly ornamental and stylized depictions of sacred structures and objects found in some Southeast Asian Dalāʾil manuscripts (Figure 12a).

Finally, many of the illustrations are rather idiosyncratic in terms of their composition and style.⁷⁰ Nevertheless, there are a few that can be placed together in groups based on various similarities, as will be seen below. An analysis of these groups would be very helpful in tracing the development of the Dalāʾil within the region, and is something that is explored in this paper.

8 Illustrations of the Tombs on a Single Page

Al-Jazūlī’s preface to the Dalāʾil includes a tradition that describes how the two Right-guided caliphs, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb were buried next to the Prophet.⁷¹ The Malay translation of the passage, as found in MSS 2368 in the Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (Singapore, 1298/1881), reads as follows:

Seperti demikian itulah menyebutkan dia oleh ʿUrwa ibn al-Zubayr raḍiallāhu ʿanhū berkata: ia ditanamkan Rasulullah ṣallā allāh ʿalaihi wa-sallam pada tempat yang lapan[g], dan ditanam akan Abū Bakr raḍiallāhu ʿanhū pada belakang Rasulullah ṣallā allāh ʿalaihi wa-sallam, dan ditanam akan ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb raḍiallāhu ʿanhū pada belakang dua kaki Abī Bakr … (fol. 19v)

As related by ʿUrwa ibn al-Zubayr: The Messenger of God was buried in an open space (tempat yang lapan[g]), and Abū Bakr was buried behind the Messenger of God, and ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb was buried behind the two feet of Abī Bakr …

Even though in the Dalāʾil this section on the tombs is relatively short, it gave an opportunity for copyists to add illustrations to accompany the text. In this first type of visual representation, the three tombs are laid out in a diagonal line, reminiscent of steps rising from left to right.

Illustrations of the tombs in Southeast Asian Dalāʾil manuscripts often incorporate local decorative motifs and elements, as can be seen in MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 4780, a manuscript from Aceh, dated 1181/1767.⁷² The manuscript contains illumination in the Acehnese style, consisting of a double-frame and several headpieces and tailpieces, all painted in red, dark blue, dark yellow, and “reserved white”.⁷³ A single-page illustration of the tombs appears before the description of the rawḍa, painted using the same set of colours as the illumination (fol. 95v; Figure 8). The three tombs—which are rendered dark blue—are set within an arch surrounded by vegetal ornamentation and a plaited rope motif, a distinctive feature of Acehnese art.⁷⁴

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Figure 8

Rawḍa. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Aceh, 1181/1767

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 4780, fols. 95v–96r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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In MS Leiden, University Library Or. 7057a (6), probably dating to the eighteenth century,⁷⁵ the illustration of the tombs is positioned in the middle of their description in the text (fol. 32v; Figure 9). Each tomb is depicted with a headstone and painted gold, with a caption identifying the person buried there. They are set within a golden building with a flared pyramidal roof. This representation reflects Southeast Asian architectural styles—local mosques, as well as pavilions erected over the graves of holy persons, often have this roof shape.⁷⁶ The manuscript unfortunately is incomplete and does not mention a place or date of production, but similar images of the rawḍa can be found in Dalāʾil manuscripts from the sultanate of Banten in West Java.

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Figure 9

Rawḍa. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Banten, eighteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 7057a (6), fol. 32v

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Figure 10

Rawḍa. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Singapore, 1298/1881

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368, fols. 18v–19r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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Four of these are now held in Jakarta, in the Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia, A. 78–A. 81, acquired from the Banten Royal Library in 1835.⁷⁷ The images they contain are similar to MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 7057a (6), with the tombs placed within a roofed pavilion (although not ornamented like they are in the Leiden manuscript), and painted in gold. The large size of the manuscripts (A. 78 measures 47.5 × 32 cm; A. 79 measures 53 × 38 cm), lack of frames around the text block, and minimal margins are features that they share in common with Qurʾans from the area.⁷⁸ The illustration style and codicological aspects of these manuscripts point to the existence of a “Banten style”, which could help us to identify the place of production for copies that lack detailed information, such as the Leiden manuscript above.

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Figure 11

Rawḍa. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Jeruju Besar, 1310/1892

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793, fols. 31v–32r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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Nevertheless, manuscripts that share the same artistic style need not necessarily have been produced in the same place. For instance, as discussed above, MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368 (Singapore, 1811) and MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793 (Jeruju Besar, 1892), share the same interlinear Malay translation. They also have similar single-page illustrations of the rawḍa, placed in the middle of the text describing it (fol. 19r; Figure 10; and fol. 31v; Figure 11, respectively). In both cases, the tombs are laid out in a diagonal line, framed by a parallelogram. The illustrations are not painted (although the one in MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368 does have some illumination), with captions written inside the tombs. The similarities between the two manuscripts indicate that they belong to the same textual and illustrated tradition, and they are both connected to the al-Idrus family. Yet, while MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2368 was copied in Singapore, internal evidence points to MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 3793 being from western Borneo. It is unclear if the latter was copied directly from the former or from an intermediary source, but they demonstrate the presence of regional networks that facilitated the circulation of the texts and images of the Dalāʾil.

9 Double-Page Illustrations of the Tombs and the Pulpit of the Prophet

The second type of visual representation features a double-paged illustration showing two aspects of the Mosque of the Prophet in Medina. Typically, the right page depicts the tombs of the Prophet Muḥammad, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar, shown in a similar way to the previously mentioned single-page illustration of the rawḍa. The opposite page shows the Prophet’s minbar (pulpit) in the Mosque of the Prophet, usually a side view in the form of a right-angled triangle. Frequently, both are embellished with architectural elements, typically lamps hanging in an arch, placing them within the context of a mosque.

The earliest dated Southeast Asian Dalāʾil—the aforementioned manuscript, now MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 10.806, probably from Sumatra, dated 1143/1730—is of this type (fols. 33v–34r; Figure 1). The three tombs on the right-hand page are painted red. The minbar on the opposite page is depicted as a series of stepped boxes with an arch in front of it, reminiscent of those found in Moroccan manuscripts.⁷⁹ This suggests that Southeast Asian practitioners during the eighteenth century had some access to illustrated copies of the Dalāʾil from Morocco, probably during their studies in Mecca and Medina. The images are accompanied by captions in Arabic, written upside down.

This type of double-paged composition continued into the nineteenth century. A manuscript in the Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (MSS 1273), does not have a colophon, but it can be attributed to the region of Patani in Southern Thailand based on its illumination.⁸⁰ The beginning of the recitations for the first Monday (fols. 19v–20r) is marked by an illuminated double page of the Patani style, with a colour palette of gold, red, “reserved white”, and a dark shade of greyish green.⁸¹

The manuscript also contains a double-page illustration of the rawḍa and the pulpit, set within a pair of near-identical frames (fols. 14v–15r; Figure 12a). The three tombs are painted gold and placed under a series of arches that culminate in a golden lamp at the top. On the opposite page, the pulpit is sandwiched between triangular shapes on each side, with an arch above it from which hangs a golden lamp. At the bottom of both pages are rectangular panels filled with vegetal and floral designs.

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Figure 12a

Rawḍa and minbar. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Patani, nineteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 1273, fols. 14v–15r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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Typically, the pulpit is shown as a triangle in copies of the Dalāʾil. Here, however, it is made up of two triangles joined in the middle, with a tall pole on each vertical side. A pair of flags are attached to the tops of the poles. This reflects the Southeast Asian practice of placing flags on each side of a pulpit⁸² and, as a result, the pulpit now appears to have been given a frontal view.

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Figure 12b

Unidentified object, perhaps a tree in Paradise. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Patani, nineteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 1273, fols. 15v–16r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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The lamps above are shaped as lotus flowers drawn in profile. The lotus motif, a Hindu-Buddhist symbol of purity and beauty, is common in Southeast Asian art, and this particular design can be seen in Malay manuscript illumination as well as woodwork and metalwork.⁸³ Similarly, the foliage motif in the rectangular panel underneath the pulpit could also be found in other media such as woodwork, demonstrating a shared artistic vocabulary.⁸⁴

On the page following the pulpit is an illustration of a long, wavy object resembling a frond, coloured in gold, with red tendrils and little gold “chillies” emanating from its body (fols. 15v–16r; Figure 12b). Above it are three lotus flower motifs similar to the lamps. The meaning of this composition has yet to be determined. It might have a symbolic or talismanic significance.⁸⁵ Another possibility is that it denotes a tree in Paradise, like the Sidrat al-Muntahā or the Ṭūbā. The Sidrat al-Muntahā is illustrated in the Imam Bonjol manuscript (MS Leiden, University Library, Or. 1751, p. 125), while a mawlid manuscript from the Philippines (MS Marawi City, Dansalan College, Gowing Memorial Research Centre, MF242.7 T19 V1–2) contains a depiction of a tree which might represent the Ṭūbā.⁸⁶

10 Double-Page Illustrations of Mecca and Medina

In the third type of representation, the Dalāʾil manuscripts contain a pair of illustrations with Mecca on one page (usually the right), and Medina on the opposite page. Mecca is represented by the Masjid al-Ḥarām, identifiable by the black cube of the Kaʿba at its centre. As for Medina, the three tombs and the pulpit are now depicted together within the compound of the Mosque of the Prophet.⁸⁷

In Southeast Asian copies, these views are represented schematically, with the compound of the two mosques being shown in flat projection (from the top), but the structures they contain are in elevation view (from the side) and not true to scale. They are similar to Dalāʾil manuscripts from other parts of the Islamic world that belong to an earlier Ottoman visual tradition of depicting the holy cities, which are not meant to be realistic representations but instead “allow the viewer to visualise and evoke these places in his or her mind’s eye.”⁸⁸

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 1740, from Java, dated 1188/1774, is of this type.⁸⁹ It contains a double-page illustration depicting the two holy sanctuaries, with the structures within them highlighted in gold and given captions in Arabic (fols. 15v–16r; Figure 13). In the depiction of Medina, the three tombs are laid out in the top left-hand corner within a green rectangular structure, with the pulpit set in the space on its right. At the bottom of the page are palm trees denoting the garden of Fāṭima. This is the earliest known Southeast Asian example of this type of composition, indicating that it was in place within the region by the second half of the eighteenth century.

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Figure 13

Mecca and Medina. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Java, 1188/1774. In the margin of fol. 16r are notes on the relative positions of the three tombs

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 1740, fols. 15v–16r. Courtesy of Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

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A number of Southeast Asian manuscripts, including this Javanese copy, show some similarities with manuscripts of the Dalāʾil from South Asia, particularly Kashmir. This can be seen in features such as the compartmentalization of the three tombs in Medina within a rectangular structure on the upper left-hand corner of the page (Figure 14).⁹⁰ Additionally, some Indian and Ottoman copies fill the entire surface of the two pages with profuse ornamental motifs.⁹¹ Such copies may have provided the inspiration for certain Southeast Asian manuscripts such as one from Terengganu, dateable to the nineteenth century (MS Singapore, Asian Civilisations Museum Inv. No. 2007–53427).⁹² Here, every available space in the images of Mecca and Medina has been filled with intricate gold foliate designs (Figure 15). Nevertheless, there are notable differences between the Kashmiri and Southeast Asian paintings. They each have different colour palettes (for instance, pink is often used in Kashmiri examples, but not in Southeast Asia), and Kashmiri manuscripts often depict onion domes surrounding the perimeters of the mosques of Mecca and Medina, but these are rarely found in Southeast Asian examples.

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Figure 14

Mecca and Medina. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Kashmir, 1233/1818

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Toronto, Aga Khan Museum, AKM 278, fols. 110v–111r. © The Aga Khan Museum

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The onion domes, however, are found in a nineteenth-century copy of the kitab maulid (“book on the nativity [of the Prophet]”), probably from Patani, now MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2940.⁹³ Like the Dalāʾil, mawlid texts were also recited communally, with the Sharaf al-ānām (“Honour of Humankind”), and the mawlid written by Jaʿfar al-Barzanjī (d. c. 1177/1764) being among the most popular in Southeast Asia.⁹⁴ Their manuscripts are often illuminated, but this copy is the only known example to have a paired representation of Mecca and Medina (images of the two holy sites also appear in the opening pages of a printed edition published by Menara Kudus in Java, ca. 1995).⁹⁵

Occasionally, one finds the order of the images reversed, such as in a Dalāʾil copied by a Bugis scribe from Wajo, South Sulawesi, dated 1284/1868 (MS New York, New York Public Library, Arabic Ms. No. 256).⁹⁶ Here, the image of Mecca has been placed on the left-hand page, while that of Medina is on the right (fols. 23v–24r; Figure 16). Similar arrangements can also be found in Dalāʾil manuscripts from India.⁹⁷

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Figure 15

Mecca and Medina. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Terengganu, nineteenth century

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

MS Singapore, Asian Civilisations Museum, Inv. No. 2007–53427. Courtesy of Asian Civilisations Museum

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Figure 16

Medina and Mecca in reverse order. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, probably Wajo, South Sulawesi, 1284/1868

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

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In a Dalāʾil manuscript probably from Patani, southern Thailand, dated 1233/1818 (now MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 1974), the double page illustration similarly depicts Mecca on the left, but the right-hand page depicts only the rawḍa, without the minbar (fols. 2v–3r). This rawḍa-Mecca combination could also be found in a Qurʾan from Aceh dateable to the nineteenth century (MS Kuala Lumpur, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 4777, fols. 1v–2r), although here Mecca is placed on the right, while the rawḍa is on the left.⁹⁸

Similarly, the minbar is not visible within the Mosque of the Prophet in a Dalāʾil manuscript from Palembang, dateable to 1804–1843 (MS Leipzig, University Library, Gabelentz 52, fols. 15v–16r). Unusually, only two tombs are depicted in the mosque instead of the usual three (each housed within their own separate structures).⁹⁹ A depiction of two graves (housed within one building) can also be found in a Qurʾan from Mindanao, southern Philippines.¹⁰⁰ While illustrations of the Mosque of Medina may depict four tombs (Muḥammad, Abū Bakr, ʿUmar and Fāṭima; see Figs. 13, 15, 16), the meaning behind this iconography of two tombs is unclear.

In some cases, the forms of the structures depicted in the paintings are based on local Southeast Asian architecture, as noted in the Banten manuscript above (Figure 9). A further example is the aforementioned Syed Muhammad al-Idrus manuscript from Terengganu, dated 1250/1835, MS Kuala Lumpur, Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia, 1998.1.2607. The entire composition depicting Mecca and Medina is painted in gold, except for the Kaʿba, which is black (pp. 10–11).¹⁰¹ The Mosque of the Prophet in Medina is shown with a double-tiered flared roof with curved ridges, topped by an ornamental finial. Images of similar buildings appear in manuscript painting from the region.¹⁰² Their designs are based on Southeast Asian mosque architecture.¹⁰³

11 Printed Editions of the Dalāʾil

Copies of the Dalāʾil were also published in printed form. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, books for the Southeast Asian market were also being printed in Bombay, including an edition of the Dalāʾil published in 1877.¹⁰⁴

Printed editions of the Dalāʾil are still circulating in Southeast Asia.¹⁰⁵ A copy, now in the library of Sophia University in Tokyo (167.6:D32:K), was acquired in a bookstore in Surabaya, Java in 2007.¹⁰⁶ It was published by al-Ḥaramayn, a publisher based in Singapore and Jeddah, although this edition (which is undated) is probably an Indonesian reprint.¹⁰⁷ Several sections of the book are illuminated, and it also contains illustrations of Mecca and Medina, with Mecca placed on the left-hand page, and Medina on the right (pp. 50–51; Figure 17). The designs of the illustrations originated in Ottoman lithographical editions of the Dalāʾil.¹⁰⁸ The presence of illumination and illustrations here shows that printed books still continued the artistic convention found in manuscript copies of the Dalāʾil.

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Figure 17

Mecca and Medina. Al-Jazūlī, Dalāʾil al-khayrāt, Singapore, Jeddah, Indonesia: al-Ḥaramayn, [no date].

Citation: Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 12, 3-4 (2021) ; 10.1163/1878464X-01203012

Tokyo, Sophia University Library, 167.6:D32:K, pp. 50–51. Photo: Farouk Yahya

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There are also printed copies of the Malay translation of the Dalāʾil. One, titled Petunjuk Cara Memperoleh Syafaat Nabi SAW (“Guidance on How to Obtain the Intercession of the Prophet”) was published by Husaini Publishers in Bandung, Java, in 1997 and acquired by the author in Kuala Lumpur in 2006.¹⁰⁹ Here, the Malay translation in Roman script is given after each section of the Arabic text, i.e. unlike the earlier manuscripts, the translations are not interlinear. The book does not contain any illustrations or illumination.

12 Conclusion

Manuscripts of the Dalāʾil al-khayrāt from Southeast Asia are similar to those from other parts of the Islamic world, both in terms of textual content and the choice of images. Further studies on the texts, artistic styles, and individuals who produced and used the manuscripts could help in understanding the dissemination and usage of the Dalāʾil in the region. Whether introduced and circulated through Sufi networks centred in Mecca and Medina, Moroccan and Ottoman manuscripts, or Hadhrami families residing in Southeast Asia, the Dalāʾil gained wide acceptance and gave rise to a variety of local practices. At the same time, the artistic styles of the manuscripts are often very much rooted in the Southeast Asian painting tradition.

The illustrations and illumination contained in the manuscripts also remind us that the Dalāʾil was not only meant to be read, but also to be seen.¹¹⁰ Further research into the function of the art could enhance our understanding of how the manuscripts were used. Illumination, for instance, serves to decorate the manuscript and to mark out important sections of the text. The function of illustrations, however, is perhaps more complex. Most importantly, they are a visual reminder to the reader of the Prophet Muḥammad, who is the subject of the prayers, prior to commencing the recitation. They may also serve to elucidate the text, as with the image of the three tombs that accompanies their textual description. Witkam has argued, on the basis of a text of the Ḥadīth, that the double-image of the tombs and pulpit enables the reader to “place” himself in between the two sacred sites and “to be in one of the gardens of Paradise”, while, according to him, the double images of Mecca and Medina were possibly the result of a greater awareness to place God first and foremost instead of Muḥammad, as a visual expression of the shahāda formula.¹¹¹ Or perhaps, as Sabiha Göloğlu has suggested, it served as “visual propaganda” for the Ottomans, among its various other uses.¹¹² Yet, the question is how much of these interpretations can be applied to the Southeast Asian context? Were the artists of the manuscripts aware of these underlying meanings, or did they merely follow the conventions laid out in previous copies? Or did the meanings of the images change? These are issues that still require further investigation.

Furthermore, we must consider how and where the manuscripts were read. The Dalāʾil was often recited aloud in a collective manner, in which case the illuminated divisions are an aid to the recitation. As for the illustrations, presumably the section describing the tombs would not have been recited aloud (as far as the present author can determine). Nevertheless, if each person in the group had his own illustrated manuscript, then the religious imagery it contained, combined with the presence of other human beings, as well as the body movements (as in Aceh) and sounds (not only of the chanting but also music, as in West Sumatra), would have added to the sensorial experience of the reading, and possibly helped to provide spiritual encouragement to the reader with the recitation. The gold used for the illumination and illustrations in luxury copies, flickering in the candlelight when viewed during nighttime recitations, must have produced a dazzling effect.

These luxury copies also remind us that a manuscript is also an object in itself with a value that goes beyond its function. It may be that a beautifully illustrated copy of the Dalāʾil was not only meant to be read, but also to be appreciated for its preciousness.¹¹³ Although the Qurʾan usually receives the best and most lavish attention with regards to decoration, Southeast Asian manuscripts of the Dalāʾil have revealed similarly high levels of beautification—both in terms of quantity and quality—a testament to the high regard placed upon this text by the people of the region.

Acknowledgements

This is a revised version of the papers presented at the workshop From West Africa to Southeast Asia: The History of Muhammad al-Jazuli’s Dalaʾil al-Khayrat Prayer Book (15th–20th Centuries) (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2019) and the Research Seminar in Islamic Art (ReSIA) (SOAS University of London, 2019)—many thanks are due to the organizers and attendees. I am grateful to the staff of the various collections for their assistance in facilitating my research and for their permission to reproduce the images. In addition, I would also like to thank the editors of this special issue of the Journal of Islamic Manuscripts, as well as Anna Contadini, Annabel Teh Gallop, Owen Wright and others for their comments and assistance on various points of the article. Any mistakes are my own.

A Appendix: Dalāʾil al-khayrāt manuscripts from Southeast Asia

This is a preliminary list of manuscripts of the Dalāʾil al-khayrāt from Southeast Asia. It is not an exhaustive list and the author has not been able to personally consult all of them.