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The Development of Ci Poetry Criticism in Song Literary Miscellanies: an Evaluation of Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi

In: Journal of Chinese Humanities
Author:
Ding Fang[丁 放] Professor, School of Literature, Jiangsu Normal University Xuzhou, Jiangsu China

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Abstract

The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty offer a rich corpus of material on ci poetry, including comprehensive analyses of three seminal ci poets from the Five Dynasties period and the Song dynasty: Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi. Li Yu holds the distinction of being the first literati ci poet in Chinese literary history. Liu Yong made significant contributions to the evolution of ci forms and techniques, while Su Shi revolutionized the style of ci and elevated its artistic realm. The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty offer extensive commentary on these three poets, providing valuable insights into the evolution of ci poetry. In their analyses, the Song literati bifurcated Li Yu’s ci oeuvre into pre- and post-dynastic fall. They expressed sympathy for his ill-fated life, acknowledging his superior literary talents in contrast to his political abilities, and lauded his ci works that articulated “the sorrowful and contemplative tones of a fallen dynasty.” These scholars recognized Li Yu’s contribution in giving voice to the literati through the medium of ci. Liu Yong’s ci received mixed evaluations; while his vulgar style was both criticized and affirmed, his prolific creation of manci and narrative techniques garnered general approval. Regarding Su Shi, the literati commended his elevation of ci’s literary quality and his pioneering of the bold and unconstrained style. They offered nuanced critiques of his musical deficiencies in ci composition and his approach of composing ci as a secondary pursuit. The literary miscellanies also present balanced assessments of the debate between Liu and Su’s respective styles. These discussions are instrumental in laying the foundation for a systematic criticism of Chinese ci poetry.

The literary genre of ci emerged during the Tang dynasty (618–907) and reached its apogee in the Song dynasty (960–1279). While specialized treatises on ci poetry, such as Zhang Yan’s 張炎 (1248–ca. 1319) Ciyuan 詞源, Wang Zhuo’s 王灼 (ca. 1081–ca. 1160) Biji manzhi 碧雞漫志, and Shen Yifu’s 沈義父 (fl. 1237–1243) Yuefu zhimi 樂府指迷, only materialized in the late Southern Song dynasty, discourse on ci had begun much earlier. The literary miscellanies (biji 筆記) of the Song dynasty, a prolific and diverse form of informal writing that flourished during the period, contain a wealth of material on ci poetry that warrants further scholarly investigation. These miscellanies, which number in the hundreds, encompass a wide range of topics including historical anecdotes, textual scholarship, and literary criticism. Often written by literati based on personal experiences or second-hand accounts, these literary miscellanies provide valuable insights into the composition, appreciation, and circulation of ci poetry in Song literary circles.

This study examines the Song dynasty perspective on ci poetry through the evaluation of three representative poets from the Five Dynasties period (907–960) to the Northern Song dynasty (960–1127) – Li Yu 李煜 (937–978), Liu Yong 柳永 (ca. 987–ca. 1053), and Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101) – as documented in these literary miscellanies.

Li Yu stands preeminent among ci poets of the Tang dynasty and the Five Dynasties period. Prior to Li Yu, literati ci poetry, exemplified by Wen Tingyun 溫庭筠 (812–866) and Wei Zhuang 韋莊 (836–910), primarily served as entertainment at banquets and gatherings. Folk ci poetry, represented by Dunhuang quzi ci 曲子詞 (tune lyrics), while charmingly rustic, lacked artistic sophistication. It was through Li Yu’s compositions that ci poetry attained artistic maturity. Wang Guowei 王國維 (1877–1927) in Renjian cihua 人間詞話 observes: “Wen Tingyun’s ci exhibits phrasal elegance. Wei Zhuang’s ci demonstrates structural refinement. Li Yu’s ci manifests spiritual grace.” Wang further notes: “With Li Yu, ci poetry’s scope expanded, its emotional range deepened, and it transformed from the ci of entertainers to the ci of the literati.”1

This study posits Li Yu as the preeminent representative of ci poets from the Tang dynasty and the Five Dynasties period. During the Southern Tang dynasty (943–961), Emperor Yuanzong 元宗 (Li Jing 李璟, r. 943–961) and the minister Feng Yansi 馮延巳 (903–960) are also considered within the scope of Li Yu’s ci style. At the time of Li Yu’s accession to the throne, the state name of the Song dynasty had already been established, and his subsequent surrender to Song authority justifies his classification as a literatus transitioning from the Five Dynasties to the Song era.

Liu Yong emerged as the first professional ci poet in the Northern Song dynasty. His unconventional persona, vernacular ci style, prolific composition of manci 慢詞 (long form of ci), adept use of narrative techniques, and skillful depiction of travel experiences and urban prosperity all contributed to his pioneering status in ci history.

Su Shi stands as one of the most eminent intellectuals in Chinese literary history, achieving excellence in poetry, prose, calligraphy, and painting. His moral integrity, resilience, and transcendent worldview established him as a paragon for intellectuals across generations. His innovations in ci poetry include elevating the vernacular to the refined, pioneering a bold and unconstrained (haofang 豪放) style, and applying poetic methodologies to ci composition. The extensive influence of Su Shi’s disciples further amplified the impact of his ci, which also served as a counterpoint to Liu Yong’s works.

The ci compositions of Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi collectively represent the achievements and evolutionary trajectory of ci poetry from the Five Dynasties through the Northern Song dynasty. An analysis of the commentary on these three poets and their respective circles, as preserved in Song dynasty literary miscellanies, offers insight into the development of ci poetry criticism during this era.

1 Analysis of Li Yu’s Literary Contributions to Ci Poetry

Li Yu 李煜 (courtesy name Chongguang 重光, initially named Congjia 從嘉) ascended to the Southern Tang throne in 961. His reign lasted fifteen years until 975, the eighth year of the Kaibao 開寶 period (968–976), when the Song general Cao Bin 曹彬 (931–999) captured the city of Jinling 金陵, compelling Li Yu to surrender. Subsequently, he was relocated to the Song capital and granted the title Marquis of Disobeying Orders (weiming hou 違命侯). Li Yu’s life concluded on the seventh day of the seventh lunar month in 978, the third year of the Taiping Xingguo 太平興國 period (976–984), at the age of forty-two.

The initial phase of Li Yu’s reign was characterized by benevolent governance. He implemented policies to alleviate the populace’s burdens, including tax reductions, and maintained diplomatic deference to the Northern Song dynasty, resulting in over a decade of relative stability within his domain. However, his rule was also marked by excessive religious patronage, particularly in the ordination of Buddhist clergy, and a profound personal devotion to Buddhism. These predilections led to a neglect of state affairs. While Li Yu’s benevolence engendered goodwill among his subjects, it ultimately proved insufficient to preserve the Southern Tang state.

Li Yu’s ci poetry corpus can be bifurcated into two distinct periods. The early period, predating the Southern Tang’s collapse, predominantly explores themes of romantic entanglements and courtly opulence, exhibiting a notably ornate style. In contrast, the later period works, composed during the final days of his reign and post-surrender, reflect a shift in tone and subject matter. An exemplar of his early period ci, set to the tune pattern “Pusa man” 菩薩蠻, reads:

Moonlight veiled, flowers glow in the misty night,
This eve I’ll seek my love’s embrace so bright.
Silk-stockinged feet on scented stairs,
Gold-threaded shoes in hand I bear.
By the painted hall’s south side we meet,
I tremble as our bodies greet.
Though sneaking out brings fear and thrill,
Let passion reign, and have its will.
花明月暗籠輕霧,
今朝好向郎邊去。
剗襪步香階,
手提金縷鞋。
畫堂南畔見,
一向偎人顫。
奴為出來難,
教君恣意憐。2

This ci poem is Li Yu’s depiction of his clandestine rendezvous with the younger Empress Zhou 小周后 (950–978). At the time, the elder Empress Zhou 大周后 (936–964) was gravely ill, and the emperor engaged in a secret affair with the younger Empress Zhou. Upon the elder Empress Zhou’s death, the emperor officially elevated the younger Empress Zhou to the position of empress. This poem is written in a relatively straightforward manner.

Li Yu’s early ci poetry had already achieved considerable artistic maturity but lacked emotional depth. The scholars of the Song dynasty placed greater value on Li Yu’s works composed after the fall of his kingdom. For instance, Su Shi comments in juan 4 of his Dongpo zhilin 東坡志林:

Thirty years of the sovereign realm,
Thousands of miles of land and rivers.
Lofty towers pierced the clouds,
Royal gardens filled with rare flowers and trees,
Vines and creepers intertwined.
How could I have known war would soon arrive?
Now become captives, our bodies thin and aged.
Most unbearable was the day of hasty farewell to ancestral temples,
When court musicians played parting melodies,
And I shed tears before the palace maids.
三十餘年家國,
數千里地山河,
幾曾慣干戈?
一旦歸為臣虜,
沈腰潘鬢消磨。
最是倉皇辭廟日,
教坊猶奏別離歌,
揮淚對宮娥。

Having been betrayed by Fan Ruoshui 樊若水, Li Yu surrendered his entire kingdom. He should have wept bitterly outside the ancestral temples, apologized to his people, and then departed. Instead, he shed tears before palace ladies and listened to farewell tunes from the court musicians!3

This critique posits that Li Yu, upon the collapse of his kingdom, composed poetry devoid of self-reproach or concern for his realm and subjects. Instead, his verses merely depicted tears shed before palace ladies and lamentations of separation – conduct unbefitting a sovereign of integrity and capability. Yuan Wen 袁文 (1119–1190), in juan 5 of Wengyou xianping 瓮牖閒評, contests Su Shi’s assessment, arguing on historical grounds that Li Yu could not have authored this ci poem. However, the possibility remains that this composition was a retrospective work, precluding its facile dismissal as non-Li Yu authorship. The commentaries of Su Shi and Yuan Wen illustrate the significant attention Song scholars accorded to Li Yu’s elegiac compositions for his lost kingdom.

Fenmen gujin leishi 分門古今類事 is an anthology of zhiguai 志怪 (accounts of anomalies) tales written in the Song dynasty. In juan 13, it cites Hanyuan mingtan 翰苑名談:

Following his capitulation to the Song court, Li Yu frequently yearned for his former realm and ruminated on his dispersed consorts and concubines. In his melancholy, finding no solace, he composed a ci poem:

Beyond the curtain, spring rain ceaselessly patters,
The vernal ambiance wanes,
Thin garments fail to ward off the dawn’s chill.
In reverie, oblivious to my captive state,
I briefly indulge in illusory palace pleasures.
Solitary, I must refrain from leaning on the balustrade,
Gazing upon boundless rivers and mountains.
Parting was facile, reunion now arduous.
As flowing waters bear fallen blossoms, spring departs –
To celestial realms or mortal domains?
簾外雨潺潺,
春意將闌,
羅衾不暖五更寒。
夢裡不知身是客,
一晌貪歡。
獨自莫憑欄,
無限江山。
別時容易見時難。
流水落花春去也,
天上人間。

His ruminations, imbued with sorrow and melodious nuance, verge on emotional intolerability.4

This passage not only documents the contextual background of several of Li Yu’s post-dynastic ci poems, but also provides critical commentary on these works. The supposition by subsequent generations that this particular ci poem might represent Li Yu’s final composition is not without scholarly merit. The excerpted lines from Li Yu’s ci poem in this passage express profound pessimism, despair, and helplessness. Characterizing these works as exemplifying “the sorrowful and contemplative tones of a fallen dynasty” 亡國之音哀以思5 is indeed an apt assessment. Wang Zhi’s 王銍 (d. 1144) Mo ji 默記 also contains significant accounts of Li Yu’s demise and his elegiac compositions lamenting the fall of his kingdom, which warrant further scholarly examination.

Li Yu, the last sovereign of the Southern Tang dynasty, possessed erudition and manifold talents, with an innately benevolent disposition. However, he lacked effective governance capabilities. Moreover, given the prevailing geopolitical dynamics of the era, even had he possessed some degree of political acumen, he would have been powerless to alter the trajectory of events. Consequently, Li Yu, who might have flourished as a renowned literatus, was instead burdened with the mantle of monarchy. In the aftermath of his dynastic collapse, he expressed remorse for the erroneous execution of loyal ministers, an action he perceived as contributing to the kingdom’s downfall. This act of contrition led Emperor Taizong of Song 宋太宗 (r. 976–997) to suspect that Li Yu, despite his captive status, still harbored aspirations of dynastic restoration. Incensed by this perception, Emperor Taizong ordered Li Yu’s execution through poisoning with qianji 牽機 medicine. The circulation of Li Yu’s verses expressing anguish over his lost kingdom significantly contributed to his eventual execution. Wang Zhi’s account corroborates this perspective, emphasizing the profound impact of Li Yu’s elegiac compositions.

The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty predominantly express empathy for Li Yu’s tragic circumstances, recognizing in his oeuvre what they termed “the sorrowful and contemplative tones of a fallen dynasty.” This phrase encapsulates the understanding that literary works depicting dynastic collapse are characterized by deep mournfulness and extended reflection, a quality particularly evident in Li Yu’s later compositions. However, there is a notable dearth of critical analysis regarding the superior linguistic artistry and authentic stylistic approach of his ci poetry – an omission that warrants scholarly attention.

Li Jing and Feng Yansi, whose poetic styles bear resemblance to that of Li Yu, receive limited discourse in these literary miscellanies. The singular exception of note is a celebrated literary anecdote concerning a discourse between Feng Yansi and Li Jing regarding the phrase “… ripples the spring pond’s face” 吹皺一池春水. The Song scholar Hu Zi 胡仔 (1110–1170) writes the following account:

Emperor Yuanzong’s [Li Jing’s] yuefu 樂府 poem “In the small tower, the jade pipe plays on, piercing the cold” 小樓吹徹玉笙寒 and Feng Yansi’s line “A sudden breeze ripples the spring pond’s face” 風乍起,吹皺一池春水 are both considered exemplary. Li Jing once jested with Yansi, saying, “What concern is ‘A sudden breeze ripples the spring pond’s face’ to you?” Yansi replied, “It does not compare to Your Majesty’s ‘In the small tower, the jade pipe plays on, piercing the cold.’” Li Jing was pleased.6

Feng Yansi’s ci poem, titled “Ye Jinmen” 謁金門, reads as follows:

A sudden breeze ripples the spring pond’s face.
Idly, she guides paired ducks on scented ways,
Toying with crimson apricot blooms, half-dazed.
By the duck-fighting pond she leans alone,
Her jade hairpin askew, nearly flown.
All day she waits, her lord still far from sight,
A magpie’s call lifts her eyes with delight.
風乍起,吹皺一池春水。
閒引鴛鴦芳徑裡,
手搓紅杏蕊。
鬥鴨欄杆獨倚,
碧玉搔頭斜墜。
終日望君君不至,
舉頭聞鵲喜。7

This composition fundamentally exemplifies a guiqing ci 閨情詞 (boudoir lyric poetry), vividly portraying a young woman’s yearning for her absent paramour. However, the discourse between Li Jing and Feng Yansi, in their respective roles as sovereign and subject, infuses the verse with political nuances. Li’s inquiry to Feng, “What concern is ‘A sudden breeze ripples the spring pond’s face’ to you?” intimates dissatisfaction. Feng’s rejoinder, “It does not compare to Your Majesty’s ‘In the small tower, the jade pipe plays on, piercing the cold,’” only then elicited Li’s approbation. While earlier scholars interpreted this exchange as poetic badinage, it likely masks Li Jing’s suspicion that Feng’s line harbored veiled criticism of court politics, prompting his admonition. Feng’s response appears to be an attempt to deflect this imputation.

Even if Feng Yansi’s opening line initially bore no satirical intent towards court affairs, this does not preclude Li Jing from discerning such criticism. This scenario exemplifies Tan Xian’s 譚獻 (1832–1901) notion: “The author may not have intended it so, but why must the reader not interpret it thus?” Tan’s insight underscores the potential divergence between authorial intent and reader interpretation, suggesting that multiple valid readings of a text may coexist, regardless of the poet’s original aim.

2 Analysis of Liu Yong’s Literary Contributions to Ci Poetry

The ci poetry of the Late Tang and Five Dynasties periods predominantly adhered to a refined and orthodox style, with Li Yu serving as its preeminent exemplar. The literati of the early Song dynasty, including Yan Shu 晏殊 (991–1055) and his progeny, as well as Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072), perpetuated the ci tradition of the Southern Tang dynasty. However, Liu Yong’s emergence marked a significant stylistic shift in ci composition. The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty offer comprehensive critiques of Liu’s ci poems, providing valuable insights into his innovative approach.

Liu Yong, originally named Sanbian 三變 with the courtesy name Qiqing 耆卿, hailed ancestrally from Hedong 河東 (modern-day Yongji 永濟, Shanxi) but later relocated to Chong’an 崇安, Fujian 福建. After his formative education in his hometown, he ventured to the capital to participate in the imperial examinations. His frequent patronage of pleasure quarters and his dissolute lifestyle elicited widespread disapproval. Following repeated examination failures, he embarked on extensive travels throughout the southern regions. In 1034, the inaugural year of the Jingyou 景祐 period (1034–1038), he successfully attained the jinshi 進士 (presented scholar) degree and subsequently ascended to the position of Assistant Director of Military-Agricultural Colonies (tuntian yuanwailang 屯田員外郎). Liu earned the sobriquet Liu Tuntian due to this position. His later years were characterized by a peripatetic existence, culminating in his demise in Runzhou. His literary legacy, the Yuezhangji 樂章集, achieved circulation during his lifetime.

Liu Yong’s ci poems are distinguished by their adept use of vernacular language. Their stylistic tenor resonates with the folk-style Dunhuang quzi ci that emerged in the Middle and Late Tang periods, while diverging significantly from the compositional interests of early Song lyricists such as Yan Shu and Ouyang Xiu.

The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty devoted considerable attention to Liu Yong’s ci poems, focusing primarily on several key aspects.

2.1 Liu Yong’s Innovative Use of Vernacular Language and Its Reception

Since the Song dynasty, critical works on poetry (shihua 詩話), ci (cihua 詞話), and ci anthologies have consistently emphasized the vernacular nature of Liu Yong’s ci poems. Song Dynasty literary miscellanies conform to this analytical trend. For instance, juan 16 of Wu Zeng’s 吴曾 (fl. 1162) Nengaizhai manlu 能改齋漫録 posits:

Emperor Renzong 仁宗 was concerned with Confucian decorum, emphasizing fundamentals and moral principles; he strongly disapproved of writing that was merely frivolous and casually amorous. The presented scholar Liu Sanbian was fond of composing lewd and lascivious ditties, which circulated widely. He had written a lyric to the tune titled “He chong tian” 鶴冲天 that included the lines: “And I am ready to exchange\ An ephemeral name for a cup of wine and a soft song.” When His Majesty was reviewing the list of examination graduates in the forecourt, he singled out Liu Sanbian and failed him, saying: “Let him go off to his share of ‘cup of wine and soft song.’ What does he want with ‘an ephemeral name’?”8

Liu only passed the examination in the first year of the Jingyou reign (1034). He subsequently changed his name to Yong, and only then did he advance through official ranks. The complete lyric that Liu wrote for the exam reads as follows:

On the Golden Announcement Board,
My name failed to head the list.
Neglected in an enlightened age
Where is a good man to turn?
If you fail to get ahead
Why not let yourself go and have some fun?
No need to weigh loss and gain –
The songwriter of genius
Is an unofficial minister of state.
The misty flowers in the lanes
Are as on a painted screen.
Happily someone there I know
Worth paying a visit,
To embrace red and green;
In romantic affairs
Finding a lifetime’s pleasure.
Verdant spring is gone in a moment
And I am ready to exchange
An ephemeral name for a cup of wine and a soft song.
黃金榜上。
偶失龍頭望。
明代暫遺賢,
如何向。
未遂風雲便,
爭不恣遊狂蕩。
何須論得喪。
才子詞人,
自是白衣卿相。
煙花巷陌,
依約丹青屏障。
幸有意中人,
堪尋訪。
且恁偎紅倚翠,
風流事、平生暢。
青春都一餉。
忍把浮名,換了淺斟低唱。9

Chen Shidao 陳師道 (1052–1103) in his Houshan shihua 後山詩話 noted that Emperor Renzong of Song (r. 1022–1063) literally expressed admiration for Liu Yong’s ci poems.10 This account appears to contradict Wu Zeng’s narrative, presenting a dichotomy in the reception of Liu’s work. These ostensibly conflicting accounts, however, illuminate dual aspects of a singular phenomenon: in informal settings, Emperor Renzong may have demonstrated appreciation for Liu Yong’s ci, whereas in official contexts, particularly those concerning the selection of scholars for court positions, the emperor would necessarily adopt a more stringent stance towards Liu, given his reputation for composing frivolous lyrics and his questionable character. Liu Yong’s “He chong tian” exemplifies a self-deprecating lyric borne of resignation, characterized by its vernacular diction and ornate style.

The aforementioned accounts elucidate the official stance towards Liu’s ci. Xu Du’s 徐度 (fl. 1138) Quesao bian 却掃編 provides insight into the popularity of Liu Yong’s colloquial ci poems among the populace:

Liu Yong achieved renown for his song lyrics during Emperor Renzong’s reign and held the official position of Assistant Director of Military- Agricultural Colonies, hence his sobriquet Liu Tuntian. Although his ci poems demonstrated structural sophistication, they frequently incorporated vernacular expressions, rendering them particularly appealing to the common populace. The subsequent emergence of literati such as Ouyang Xiu and Su Shi precipitated a stylistic shift in ci composition towards greater refinement and elegance. Consequently, while Liu Yong’s ci poems no longer garnered scholarly acclaim, they retained their popularity among the masses.11

This account attests to the profound appeal of Liu Yong’s ci poems among the general populace. Corroborating this widespread influence, a returning official from Western Xia (1038–1227) remarked, “Wherever there is well water, people can sing Liu Yong’s ci poems.” The extraordinary artistic appeal of Liu’s works primarily derives from his innovative use of vernacular language in ci composition.

The societal evolution of the Northern Song dynasty, characterized by a burgeoning urban economy and the emergence of a vibrant civic culture, provided the context for Liu Yong’s ci poetry to supplant the more formal compositions of the literati from the Five Dynasties and early Northern Song periods. This stylistic shift, marked by Liu’s distinctive use of vernacular language, represented a progressive trend in literary development. However, within the discursive framework dominated by literati culture, Liu Yong’s colloquial ci poems garnered more criticism than acclaim. This critical stance reflected an inherent bias and could be interpreted as an adherence to conservative, outdated poetics of ci composition. Such perspectives were prevalent among numerous ci poets and scholars of the era.

Beyond the literary miscellanies, many ci poets and scholars of the Song dynasty engaged in this discourse. Li Qingzhao 李清照 (1084–1155), a prominent figure in ci poetry, offered the following critique:

In our dynasty, with the refinement of ritual and music, and the flourishing of both civil and military affairs, it took over a hundred years of effort before Liu Yong emerged. He transformed the old tunes and created new ones, compiling the Yuezhangji and achieving great renown. Although his compositions are harmonious in rhythm, his diction is vulgar and base.12

Such assessments of Liu Yong’s work were often unduly severe and lacked impartiality, failing to recognize the innovative aspects of his poetic approach.

2.2 Liu Yong’s Contributions to Manci and Expansive Narrative Techniques

The Song critics’ appreciation of Liu Yong’s contributions to manci and his development of expansive narrative techniques extend to his thematic content. His ci poems encompassed a wide range of subjects, including celebrations of contemporary prosperity and peace, as well as reflections on travel and official duties.

Scholars since the Song dynasty have consistently analyzed this distinctive feature of Liu Yong’s ci poems. Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1179–1261), a Song-era scholar, offered the following critique of Liu’s compositions:

While his ci poems may lack elevated style, they demonstrate rhythmic harmony and appropriate diction. Liu provides extensive depictions of the era’s prosperity and peace, excelling particularly in portraying the circumstances of sojourners and officials on distant assignments. His personal character, however, warrants no further comment.13

Within the corpus of these literary miscellanies, the perspectives of Wang Zhuo and Yan Youyi 嚴有翼, who held the position of prefectural education official during the Shaoxing 紹興 period (1131–1162), are particularly representative. Wang Zhuo, in volume 2 of his Biji manzhi, observes:

Liu Yong’s Yuezhangji is widely esteemed for its comprehensiveness and scope. His narrative approach is characterized by effortless progression, structural coherence, and frequent inclusion of elegant phrases set to melodious rhythms. However, its superficiality and vernacular elements constitute a distinct stylistic approach, one that particularly resonates with the unlettered populace. I have previously likened Liu Yong’s ci poems to the scions of affluent families residing beyond the capital: though divested of rustic mannerisms, they retain a disagreeable demeanor.14

The effortless narrative progression and structural coherence noted by Wang Zhuo exemplify the artistic effect achieved through Liu’s composition of manci and his utilization of expansive narrative techniques. Nevertheless, Wang maintains a critical stance towards the “superficiality and vulgarity” evident in Liu’s works.

Yan Youyi, in his Yiyuan cihuang 藝苑雌黃, offers a similarly nuanced assessment: “While Liu Yong’s ci poems are widely acclaimed, they generally fall into two categories: either lamentations of impoverished travellers, or licentious depictions of women.”15 Yan’s perspective demonstrates a balanced critique, affirming the former while expressing disapprobation for the latter.

2.3 Liu Yong’s Substantial Contributions to the Historical Development of Manci

An analysis of manci’s historical development reveals Liu Yong’s contributions to be substantial and pioneering. Extant materials from the Tang dynasty and Five Dynasties period indicate the existence of only approximately a dozen manci compositions.

Among the ci poets of the early Song dynasty, Zhang Xian 張先 (990–1078) composed seventeen, Yan Shu three, and Ouyang Xiu thirteen. In contrast, Liu Yong single-handedly created 125 manci encompassing 87 tune patterns, the majority of which were his original compositions.

Of the approximately 880 tune patterns employed during the Song dynasty, Liu Yong innovated over 100, predominantly manci with long tune patterns. Liu’s work marked a departure from the xiaoling 小令 (short lyrics) tradition that had dominated since the emergence of quzi ci. This innovation substantially enriched ci poetry’s structure and expanded its capacity. In Liu’s Yuezhangji, 60–70 percent of the compositions are manci set to novel tune patterns, elevating this form to parity with xiaoling. Liu Yong’s pivotal role in this transformation is indisputable.

Liu’s ci poems are distinguished by their expansive narration, exemplified in seminal works such as “Yu lin ling” 雨霖鈴, “Basheng ganzhou” 八聲甘州, “Qi shi” 戚氏, and “Yeban yue” 夜半樂. These compositions showcase his masterful narrative technique. Qing scholar Liu Xizai 劉熙載 (1813–1881), diverging from contemporary critics, offered a nuanced assessment of Liu Yong’s narrative approach. He posited that Liu Yong’s manci featured lucid and fluent language, excelling in narrative exposition – an innovative aspect of his oeuvre. However, Liu Xizai critiqued the content as overly focused on ornate and sensual descriptions, lacking in elevated tone, presenting a relatively objective evaluation.16

Approximately half of Liu Yong’s corpus comprises works of romantic dalliance, reflecting his associations with pleasure quarters and composition for courtesans. While his personal conduct was censured by traditional literati, his ci poems garnered praise for their melodious and harmonious qualities, as well as their meticulous narrative detail. Thematically, works such as “Yu lin ling” and “Basheng ganzhou,” which depict travel and official duties, indeed pioneered new domains in the ci of the Song dynasty. These compositions garnered widespread appreciation among the contemporary populace.

3 Analysis of Su Shi’s Literary Contributions to Ci Poetry

Su Shi stands as one of the preeminent polymaths in Chinese cultural history, achieving unparalleled mastery in poetry, prose, calligraphy, and painting. His extant corpus includes over three hundred ci. Su’s most significant contribution to the evolution of Song ci poetry lies in his pioneering of the bold and unconstrained style, which emerged as a formidable counterpart to the established delicate and restrained style (wanyue 婉約).

However, it is noteworthy that Su’s foray into ci composition began relatively late in his career, commencing only around his thirtieth year. While his oeuvre encompasses several immortal masterpieces, it also includes numerous works that betray a lack of technical proficiency. Consequently, contemporary Song critiques of his ci poetry exhibit a wide spectrum of evaluations, ranging from severe censure to high praise. Conversely, modern scholarship tends towards an uncritical elevation of his work. Neither approach offers a sufficiently nuanced assessment of Su’s contributions to the ci genre.

Critical discourse on Su Shi’s ci poetry in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty encompasses several key aspects. These discussions offer valuable insights into contemporary perceptions of Su’s contributions to the ci genre. The following sections examine three primary areas of critique: rhythmic adherence, the relationship between shi and ci in Su’s works, and comparisons with other notable ci poets, particularly Liu Yong.

3.1 Evaluations of Rhythmic Adherence in Su Shi’s Ci Compositions

Fan Zhengmin’s 范正敏 (fl. 1106) Dunzhai xianlan 遁齋閒覽 states:

Su Shi purportedly acknowledged three domains in which he considered himself inferior: playing board games, alcohol consumption, and musical performance. However, the necessity of excelling in these particular areas is debatable. While Su’s ci poetry exhibits structural sophistication, it frequently fails to conform to established melodic patterns, a characteristic primarily attributed to his alleged deficiency in musical performance.17

In the fifth volume of Quwei jiuwen 曲洧舊聞, Zhu Bian 朱弁 (1085–1144) provides the following critical observation:

Zhang Zhifu’s 章質夫 composition of “Shuilong yin” 水龍吟 on the theme of willow catkins demonstrates ingenious conceptualization and refined literary allusions. While ostensibly bold and unconstrained, potentially diverging from established ci conventions, a meticulous analysis reveals harmonious rhythmic structures and exquisite prosody, exemplifying Zhang’s refined poetic craftsmanship. Chao Shuyong 晁叔用 posited, “Su Shi’s natural poetic talent is comparable to the unadorned beauty of Wang Zhaojun 王昭君 or Xi Shi 西施, who could rival the aesthetic appeal of all women without cosmetic enhancement. How could Zhang Zhifu’s technical proficiency possibly compare?”18

It is worth noting that Zhang Zhifu was Su Shi’s colleague and close friend. Chao Chongzhi 晁冲之, whose courtesy name was Shuyong 叔用, was a prominent poet of the Song dynasty.

Fan Zhengmin contends that Su’s ci compositions lack musical harmony, attributing this deficiency to Su’s purported inability to perform music. Conversely, Zhu Bian argues that Su’s “Shuilong yin: ciyun Zhang Zhifu Yanghuaci” 水龍吟次韻章質夫楊花詞 exhibits “harmonious prosody,” surpassing Zhang’s original composition in naturalness of expression. The term ciyun 次韻 refers to the practice of composing a ci poem in response to another, using the same rhyme scheme and sequence as the original. Both perspectives, though divergent, possess scholarly merit and contribute to the ongoing discourse on Su’s poetic achievements.

Su Shi’s disciples frequently offered apologia for their master’s approach to rhythm in ci poetry. Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅 (1045–1105) and Chao Buzhi 晁補之 (courtesy name Wujiu 無咎, 1053–1110) posited that the occasional rhythmic incongruities in their mentor’s ci poems were attributable to his exceptional genius, which they argued transcended conventional musical constraints.

In contrast, Li Qingzhao, in her seminal work Cilun 詞論, offered a more critical assessment of Su Shi and his contemporaries:

Regarding Yan Shu, Ouyang Xiu, and Su Shi, their erudition is indeed profound. However, their compositions in the xiaoci 小詞 genre are analogous to extracting a mere ladleful from a vast ocean. Their works often resemble poetry with irregular metrical structures and frequently deviate from established musical rhythms.19

The eminent Southern Song poet Lu You 陸游 (1125–1210) provided a nuanced perspective:

Popular opinion holds that Su Shi’s inability to sing resulted in his ci poems often deviating from musical norms. However, Chao Yidao 晁以道 recounts: “In the early Shaosheng 紹聖 period, upon bidding farewell to Su Shi in Bianliang, he, having consumed a substantial amount of alcohol, performed ‘Gu yangguan’ 古陽關 himself.” This suggests that Su’s apparent disregard for musical conventions stemmed not from inability, but from his bold, unrestrained nature, which eschewed meticulous adherence to rhythmic strictures.20

The categorical assertion that Su Shi lacked comprehension of musical rhythms and that his ci poems were inherently unsingable is, in fact, inaccurate. This author, in collaboration with a student, conducted research titled “A New Discourse on the Musical Adaptability of Su Shi’s Ci,” which identified 45 performable works among Su’s ci corpus, with 34 having confirmed titles and performance protocols. This study, building upon the work of Cao Shuming 曹樹銘 and Wang Shuizhao 王水照, discovered 13 additional singable ci, encompassing nearly 30 distinct tune patterns.21 This evidence not only suggests the performability of a subset of Su’s ci poetry but also indicates Su’s personal capacity for musical rendition. Furthermore, his repertoire’s breadth and his innovative use of the male voice in ci performance represent significant contributions to the genre.

It is, however, important to note that in comparison to contemporaries such as Liu Yong and Zhou Bangyan 周邦彥 (1056–1121), Su Shi’s mastery of musical rhythms was less refined. Within his corpus of over 300 ci poems, a substantial number deviate from established musical norms and are not suitable for musical performance.

3.2 The Influence of Shi Methodologies on Su Shi’s Ci Composition

This section examines the critical discourse surrounding Su Shi’s approach of “applying shi-derived literary techniques in ci composition” (yi shi wei ci 以詩為詞). This concept, central to understanding Su’s contribution to ci poetry, sparked considerable debate among the critics of the Song dynasty. The discussion focuses on whether Su’s application of poetic techniques traditionally associated with shi and the ci genre was a defining characteristic of his style, and how this approach was perceived by his contemporaries and subsequent generations of literary scholars.

Chen Shidao, in his Houshan shihua, posits:

Han Yu 韓愈 applied prose techniques to poetry composition, while Su Shi utilized poetic methodologies in crafting ci. Despite universal acclaim for Su’s ci, they lack the hallmarks of genre-specific expertise. Among contemporary ci poets, only Qin Guan 秦觀 and Huang Tingjian surpass their Tang dynasty predecessors.22

Chen Shidao’s assertion elicited widespread discourse both contemporaneously and in subsequent generations. Su’s disciples, Chao Buzhi and Zhang Lei 張耒 (1054–1114), reportedly conveyed to Su Shi directly that Qin Guan’s (1049–1100) poetry exhibited ci-like qualities, while Su’s ci poetry demonstrated poetic characteristics.23

Chen Yingxing 陳應行 (active late Northern Song to early Southern Song), in his preface to Yu Hu xiansheng ya ci 于湖先生雅詞, observes:

Su Xun 蘇洵 lacked proficiency in poetry, Ouyang Xiu was not adept at composing fu , Zeng Gong 曾鞏 struggled with rhymed prose, Su Shi’s poetry resembled ci, and Qin Guan’s ci resembled poetry. Human talents are seldom comprehensive; even the ancients were not exempt from such limitations.24

Yu Hu Xiansheng refers to Zhang Xiaoxiang 張孝祥 (1132–1169), a renowned patriotic ci poet of the early Southern Song. This passage adopts a critical stance towards Su Shi’s approach of employing shi methodologies in ci composition.

Tang Heng 湯衡 (active late Northern Song to early Southern Song period), in his preface to Zhang Ziwei ya ci 張紫微雅詞, states:

Late Tang ci poets produced numerous refined works, intricately carved like jade or delicately trimmed like flower branches. However, their excessive ornamentation often resulted in a deficiency of moral rectitude. Su Shi, concerned about ci’s potential descent into such aestheticism, sought to counteract this trend, though he feared his influence might be insufficient. Subsequently, during the Yuanyou 元佑 period, ci poets approached the genre as a form of literary experimentation, borrowing syntactical structures from shi poetry. This approach, devoid of florid embellishment, was essentially initiated by Su Shi.25

This passage affirms Su Shi’s method of applying shi methodologies to ci composition.

Certain scholars directly contested Chen Shidao’s assertion. Wang Ruoxu 王若虚 (1174–1243), a Jin dynasty (1115–1234) scholar, in his Hunan shihua 滹南詩話, posits: “Chen Shidao’s contention that ‘Su Shi employed shi methodologies in crafting ci’ is fundamentally flawed.”26 Wang further elucidates Su Shi’s approach:

As a virtuoso of poetry and prose, Su’s ci compositions were merely a form of literary recreation. He harbored no ambition to compete with the common literati. Su’s exceptional innate talent and his grandiloquent style likely account for the superiority of his ci poems over those of his contemporaries.27

This discourse encompasses two dimensions of Su Shi’s approach of “applying shi-derived literary techniques in ci composition.” The first dimension concerns whether this approach is indeed characteristic of Su’s ci. An examination of Su’s extant ci corpus suggests an affirmative conclusion. The second dimension pertains to the critical evaluation of this approach. Hu Zi, in his Tiaoxi yuyin conghua 苕溪漁隱叢話, adopts an affirmative stance, while Chen Shidao and Chen Yingxing maintain a critical perspective.28

Su Shi was candid about his approach of “applying shi-derived literary techniques in ci composition,” which can be interpreted as a deliberate aesthetic pursuit in his ci compositions. In a letter to Chen Jichang 陳季常 (fl. 1080), Su writes:

You have presented me with new ci, each line imbued with vigor, reminiscent of a poet’s bold verses rather than xiaoci. However, the excessively unrestrained style may transcend the bounds of divine tolerance.29

In correspondence with Cai Jingfan 蔡景繁(fl. 1063), Su states:

The new ci you have bestowed upon me is akin to the ancient masters’ poetry with lines of varying length. I am gratified by their reception and encourage your continued composition in this vein.30

Su Shi deliberately applied poetic criteria to evaluate ci, elevating those that met such standards while categorizing others as “subsidiary skills” (yuji 餘技) or “xiaoci” (literally “small ci,” refers to a classification of ci during the Song dynasty, later categorized as ling , yin , and jin ). An examination of Su’s extant ci corpus reveals both a subjective intention and an objective effect of pointing towards a path of literary ascendancy for the genre. This approach emphasized enhancing ci’s literary qualities while reducing its dependence on musical elements. However, it is noteworthy that Su primarily addressed matters of state affairs, personal life, and official career fluctuations in his shi poetry and prose, with his ci compositions reflecting these themes to a lesser extent. This distinction underscores his conception of ci as a genre still in the process of literary elevation, yet not fully equivalent to shi in terms of thematic gravitas.

Su himself articulated: “That which cannot be fully expressed in poetry overflows into calligraphy and transforms into painting – all are subsidiary to poetry.”31 Evidently, in Su Shi’s perspective, xiaoci was also considered ancillary to shi poetry.

3.3 Comparative Analysis of Liu Yong and Su Shi’s Ci Poetry

This section explores the critical discourse in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty regarding the comparative analysis of Liu Yong and Su Shi’s contributions to ci poetry. Known as the “Liu-Su dichotomy” (Liu Su yitong lun 柳蘇異同論), this comparison was a significant topic of discussion among literary critics of the period.

In his initial forays into ci composition, Su Shi regarded Liu Yong as a paradigmatic figure. In the second of his “Yu Xianyu Zijun sanshou” 與鮮於子駿 三首, Su writes:

Of late, I have been composing xiaoci with frequency. While they may lack the distinctive style of Liu Yong, they can be considered to have established their own aesthetic. Indeed, during a recent hunting expedition in the outskirts, I composed a ci to commemorate a bountiful harvest. I had the stalwarts of Dongzhou perform it with rhythmic hand-clapping and foot-stomping, accompanied by flutes and drums. The spectacle was quite impressive.32

Su Shi’s allusion to “the distinctive style of Liu Yong” clearly indicates his acknowledgment and appreciation of Liu’s ci. Regarding his own compositions, Su Shi’s objective was to differentiate himself from Liu Yong while “establishing his own school” (zishi yijia 自是一家). Essentially, Liu Yong served as the logical point of departure for Su Shi’s ci composition and critique.

The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty also offer perspectives on the Liu-Su dichotomy. Wang Zhuo, in his Biji manzhi, posits:

Su Shi was not one to emphasize the musical rhythm. His occasional ci compositions pointed towards a path of literary ascendancy, refreshing the perspectives of all under heaven and inspiring ci poets to self-improvement. The notion propagated by contemporary youth that Su Shi merely transplanted poetic meters into lines of varying length, and that one must either emulate Liu Yong or Cao Zu 曹組, is fallacious, though perhaps not worthy of derision.33

4 Conclusion

The Song dynasty witnessed a cultural efflorescence, characterized by significant advancements in diverse literary forms, including shi poetry, prose, and ci poetry. These genres experienced substantial cross-pollination and dialectical interaction, engendering novel inspirations among the literati. This period saw a proliferation of critical discourse on poetry, prose, and ci, with Song intellectuals propounding distinctive perspectives on various literary forms, demarcating an era of dialectical inquiry and rational discourse.

The extensive corpus of Song literary miscellanies, notable for their rich content and thematic diversity, encompasses a substantial volume of ci criticism. This study focuses on commentaries pertaining to the ci poems of Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi as exemplars, utilizing these to analyze the principal contributions of Song literary miscellanies to ci criticism.

During the mid to late Tang dynasty, quzi ci were predominantly composed by literati for musical performance, primarily in the form of xiaoling. These compositions functioned essentially as vehicles for entertainment at banquets and convivial gatherings. It was through Li Yu’s innovations that quzi ci metamorphosed into an instrument for literati self-expression. Consequently, ci evolved into a literary style with a relatively distinct function from poetry and a differentiated mode of emotional articulation. The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty provide lucid elucidation of Li Yu’s seminal contribution in this regard.

Liu Yong, recognized as China’s first professional ci writer, flourished in the economically and culturally advanced milieu of the Song dynasty. He was particularly influenced by the ascendancy and market dominance of popular urban culture, a phenomenon precipitated by urban economic prosperity and the burgeoning of civic culture. This sociocultural context significantly shaped his ci composition. Liu’s ci poems predominantly employed vernacular language, constituting a major innovation that aligned with the Song dynasty’s cultural trajectory from refinement towards popularization. The creative essence of Liu’s ci poems resonated with Li Yu’s quzi ci. Liu Yong pioneered manci and extensively employed narrative techniques. He also innovated numerous new tunes. The majority of his ci works gave voice to lower-class women, such as courtesans, incorporating colloquial language into the genre and thereby introducing novel elements to Song ci. The literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty, while acknowledging Liu Yong’s achievements in creating new forms and tunes, simultaneously express profound dissatisfaction with his vernacular and florid style.

Su Shi, epitomizing the erudite literati, positioned his ci poetry in juxtaposition to Liu Yong’s style. Su continued to infuse ci poems with the multifaceted emotional palette of the scholar-official class and inaugurated the bold and unconstrained style of ci. Although this style never attained the pre-eminence of the delicate and restrained ci, it represented a significant innovation, “pointing towards a path of literary ascendancy for the genre.” Su’s approach of “applying shi-derived literary techniques in ci composition” yielded both advantages and limitations. Its strength lay in facilitating the articulation of literati sentiments, while its weakness manifested in some ci appearing stylistically incongruous and rhythmically discordant.

In the discourse surrounding the comparative merits of Liu and Su’s styles, the scholar-official class predominantly favored Su’s ci, while the urban populace maintained an affinity for Liu’s compositions. These critical discussions in Song literary miscellanies often predated analyses found in the cihua and cixuan 詞選 (ci anthologies) of the Song dynasty, thus playing a seminal role in the development of Song ci studies and warranting further scholarly investigation.

The multifaceted evaluations of Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty are characterized by their richness of content and exhibit theoretical depth and systematicity. This phenomenon is rooted in profound historical and cultural factors, reflecting the Song literati’s innovative conceptions of ci studies. Several salient points merit attention:

Firstly, the Song dynasty was distinguished by its advanced economic and cultural milieu. Literati enjoyed elevated social status and favorable economic conditions, often maintaining geji 歌妓 (singing courtesans) in their households. Eminent literati generally favored xiaoci. Emperors such as Song Renzong and Song Huizong 宋徽宗 (r.1100–1135), as well as high officials including Yan Shu, Ouyang Xiu, Su Shi, and Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 (1140–1247), all appreciated and composed ci. Even the traditionally conservative Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086) produced elegant and fluent xiaoci. The practice of scholar-officials performing, composing, and singing ci poems in their households emerged as a prevailing cultural phenomenon. This pervasive appreciation for ci poems naturally fostered critical discussions of the genre in literary miscellanies. This genre experienced considerable development in the Song dynasty compared to the Tang, resulting in an abundance of ci criticism materials. These materials, owing to their vivid and quotidian nature, gained wide circulation, with some evolving into foundational concepts of Song ci theory.

Secondly, the ascendancy of Neo-Confucian philosophy (lixue 理學) in the Song dynasty engendered a complex attitude towards quzi ci among both conservative and progressive factions, as well as the emerging and established political parties. While all groups ostensibly adhered to Confucian norms, they exhibited an ambivalent stance towards ci: privately, they genuinely appreciated xiaoci, which had become a refined intellectual pursuit for the literati and scholar-officials. However, in public spheres, they often displayed contempt and disdain for xiaoci. For instance, Ouyang Xiu composed numerous yanci 艷詞 (amorous ci), yet some attempted to exculpate him by attributing these works to an anonymous adversary, allegedly seeking to discredit Ouyang. Su Shi, too, held xiaoci in low esteem. While others praised his works as “ci resembling poetry” (ci ru shi 詞如詩), Su himself described his exemplary ci as “akin to poetry” (si shi 似詩) or “poetry within chang-duan ju,” implying a disparaging attitude towards xiaoci.

Thirdly, the scholar-officials of the Song dynasty prioritized refinement over vulgarity (zhong ya chu su 重雅黜俗). Consequently, in their analysis of Li Yu’s ci, they lauded works that expressed “the sorrowful and contemplative tones of a fallen dynasty,” while criticizing those depicting court life and sensual themes. They particularly disapproved of the phrase “And I shed tears before the palace maids” in his ci poems lamenting the lost kingdom. Regarding Liu Yong’s ci, the predominant view in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty acknowledged its creativity while criticizing its lack of elevated style, particularly its vernacular elements. In contrast, discussions of Su Shi’s ci poems often commended his ability to “point towards a path of literary ascendancy for the genre,” thus “refreshing the perspectives of all under heaven.” They praised masterpieces such as Nian nu jiao: chibi huaigu 念奴嬌赤壁懷古 for their bold and unconstrained style, while disparagingly comparing Liu’s ci to yehu xian 野狐涎 (wild fox saliva: a metaphor for deceptive or beguiling speech).

Fourthly, the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty offer nuanced analyses of the artistic aspects of ci. In their exegesis of Li Yu’s works, scholars affirm the lyrical characteristics of his ci, frequently theorizing from the perspective of xiaoling. With regard to Liu Yong, they commend his prolific composition of manci and his innovations in melodic structures, while acknowledging the profound impact of his narrative techniques on the evolution of ci. Their discourse on Su Shi centers on examining the merits and limitations of his approach of “applying shi-derived literary techniques in ci composition,” affirming his substantial contribution to the development of the bold and unconstrained style in ci.

These aforementioned critical perspectives, initially articulated in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty, subsequently evolved into pivotal propositions in the historiography of ci studies. Ci criticism in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties, when engaging with the oeuvres of Li Yu, Liu Yong, and Su Shi, frequently employed the discourse found in the literary miscellanies of the Song dynasty as a theoretical foundation, further developing and refining these ideas through rigorous scholarly inquiry.

Acknowledgement

This research is a phased achievement of the National Social Science Fund Project “Study on the Literary Miscellanies of the Song dynasty” (Project No. 16BZW058).

Translated by Jenny Lu

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1

Wang Guowei 王國維, Renjian cihua 人間詞話 (with Huifeng cihua 蕙風詞話) (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1982), 197.

2

Li Yu 李煜, Li Yu ci quanji 李煜詞全集, annot. Wang Zhaopeng 王兆鵬 (Wuhan: Changjiang wenyi chubanshe, 2019). Translator’s note: All translations of ci poetry in this article, unless otherwise attributed in specific citations, are the work of the translator.

3

Su Shi 蘇軾, Dongpo zhilin 東坡志林, annot. Wang Songling 王松齡 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 4.85.

4

Jingyin Wenyuange Siku quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 1047: 127.

5

Ibid., 1047: 127.

6

Hu Zi 胡仔, Tiaoxi yuyin conghua 苕溪漁隱叢話, annot. Liao Deming 廖德明 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984), 2: 39.317.

7

Ibid., 2: 39.317.

8

Wu Zeng 吴曾, Nenggaizhai manlu 能改齋漫録 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1960), 480. English translation is attributed to: James Hightower, “The Songwriter Liu Yung: Part II,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 1 (1982): 55.

9

Ibid., 55.

10

Chen Shidao 陳師道, Houshan shihua 後山詩話, in vol. 1 of Lidai shihua 歷代詩話, comp. He Wenhuan 何文煥 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), 311.

11

Xu Du 徐度, Quesao bian 却掃編, in vol. 863 of Jingyin Wenyuange Siku quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 788–89.

12

Li Qingzhao 李清照, Chongji Li Qingzhao ji 重輯李清照集, comp. Huang Mogu 黃墨谷 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009), 53.

13

Chen Zhensun 陳振孫, Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書録解題, annot. Xu Xiaoman 徐小蠻 and Gu Meihua 顧美華 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 21.616.

14

Wang Zhuo 王灼, Biji manzhi 碧雞漫志, in vol. 2 of Cihua congbian 詞話叢編, ed. Tang Guizhang 唐圭璋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 84.

15

Hu Zi, Tiaoxi yuyin conghua, 2: 39.319.

16

Liu Xizai 劉熙載, Yigai: cigai 藝概詞概, in vol. 4 of Cihua congbian 詞話叢編, ed. Tang Guizhang 唐圭璋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 3689–90.

17

Hu Zi, Tiaoxi yuyin conghua, 1: 42.284.

18

Zhu Bian 朱弁, Quwei jiuwen 曲洧舊聞, in vol. 4 of Jingyin Wenyuange Siku quanshu 景印文淵閣四庫全書 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), 318.

19

Li Qingzhao, Chongji Li Qingzhao ji, 54.

20

Lu You 陸游, Laoxue’an biji 老學庵筆記, annot. Li Jianxiong 李劍雄 and Liu Dequan 劉德權 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), vol.5,66.

21

Ding Fang 丁放 and Xia Xiaofeng 夏小鳳, “Su Shi ci ruyue kege zhi xinlun” 蘇軾詞入樂可歌之新論, Xibei shifan daxue xuebao (shehui kexue ban) 西北師範大學學報(社會科學版), no. 2 (2016): 52–59.

22

Chen Shidao, Houshan shihua, 309.

23

Hu Zi, Tiaoxi yuyin conghua, 1: 42.284. It states: “Su Shi once showed his xiaoci to Chao Buzhi and Zhang Lei, asking, ‘How do they compare to Qin Guan’s?’ Both replied, ‘Qin Guan’s poetry resembles xiaoci, while your xiaoci, sir, resemble poetry.’”

24

Sun Keqiang 孫克強, ed., Tang Song ren cihua 唐宋人詞話 (Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 2012), vol. 2, 754.

25

Tang Heng 湯衡, “Zhang Ziwei yaci xu” 張紫微雅詞序, in Ciji xuba cuibian 詞籍序跋 萃編, ed. Shi Zhecun 施蟄存 (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1994), 213.

26

Wang Ruoxu 王若虚, Hunan shihua 滹南詩話 (with Liuyi shihua, Baishi shishuo 六一詩話 白石詩說), annot. Huo Songlin 霍松林 and Hu Zhuyou 胡主佑 (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1983), 2: 70–71.

27

Ibid., 70–71.

28

Liu Xun 劉壎, Yinju tongyi 隱居通議 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 18.191. It states: “It is commonly said that Du Fu 杜甫 excels in poetry, yet his works without rhyme are hardly readable. Zeng Gong is skilled in prose, but his rhymed compositions lack refinement. Su Shi’s ci resemble poetry, while Qin Guan’s poetry resembles ci. These gentlemen, all renowned scholars of great talent, each have their own areas of excellence.”

29

Su Shi 蘇軾, Su Shi wenji 蘇軾文集, ed. Mao Wei 茅維 and Kong Fanli 孔凡禮 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 53.1569.

30

Ibid., 55.1662.

31

Ibid., 21.614.

32

Ibid., 53.1560.

33

Wang Zhuo, Biji manzhi, 85.

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