Abstract
Cultural encounters, entanglements, and comparisons were the driving force behind the formation of a global history of religion. Such encounters require the formation of comparative concepts; for Europeans, the most important of these was ‘religion’ . With European expansion, and especially its forays into Asia starting in the late fifteenth century, ‘religion’ gradually became a general term to describe a distinct subset of human culture, with encounters between European missionaries and the Japanese people playing a decisive role in this regard. Arguably, the ultimately failed attempts of the Christian mission led to the emergence of analogous comparative concepts on the Japanese side, too. As a side effect, the encounter with Christianity brought about an individualisation and confessionalisation of Buddhism. From here, it was only a small step to the ‘religionisation’ of Buddhism in the nineteenth century – and, thus, to its integration into a global religious system.
1 Introduction
… at the time of the unstable presence of the nanbanjin, Japan became an interesting laboratory of cross- cultural, social, economic, political, linguistic and philosophical interactions. (Curvelo and Cattaneo Interactions, p. 279)
One of the paradoxes of recent cultural studies lies in the fact that postcolonial scholarship tends to unintentionally reproduce the epistemic hegemony of ‘the West’ that it criticises. Its focus on the undeniable power imbalance in colonial encounters, on the diffusion of Western concepts, norms and values, and on the use of epistemic (and physical) violence all too often obscures or hides the historical experiences and cultural achievements of the colonised, prior to their encounters with Western colonial powers.1 They are thereby deprived of agency, and condemned to silence – unless they articulate themselves as victims of European colonialism. Thus, Europe remains the ultimate point of reference – which clearly runs counter to a central principle of a global history of religion.
In this contribution, countering this ‘neo-Eurocentrism’, I explore non- European discursive and conceptual histories, using the example of Japan, which was not colonised, but was threatened by colonisation, only to eventually become a colonial power itself. I intend to show that (1) earlier cultural entanglements with the greater ‘Sinosphere’ – especially in the seventh and eighth centuries – had resulted in the formation of comparative concepts that facilitated cultural comparisons in later periods, and (2) Japanese encounters with Western powers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries contributed to the formation of a global history of religion.
A global history of religion needs to overcome not only all kinds of eurocentrism, however, but also ‘modernism’. The recognition of ‘non-Western’ knowledge production, and the corresponding formation of knowledge regimes, terminologies, and comparative concepts beyond the frame of reference of European colonialism, calls for a temporal extension, too. Michael Bergunder has quite rightly insisted on moving past the idea that the genesis of a global history of religion (in the specific sense of the globalisation of the discourse and the concept of religion) can be simply located in ‘the West’.2 I would like to supplement his postulate for overturning the “regionalised thinking about origins” (regionalisiertes Ursprungsdenken) with the demand for doing away with the equally problematic “temporalised thinking about origins” (temporalisiertes Ursprungsdenken).
2 Hypothesis
The concept of religion is neither simply an invention of “Europe and North America”, whence it “has been exported […] to many parts of the world”,3 nor is it an invention of the nineteenth century. I, of course, do not intend to downplay the epistemic and conceptual transformations that took place in the nineteenth century, but I do vehemently disagree with the view that a ‘time zero’, a clearly identifiable birth date, can be given for the emergence of a globalised concept of religion, and thus of a global religious history. There are no total ruptures and reinventions in history; there are only phases of accelerated and intensified change, which are usually perceived as critical junctures4 by those affected. However, every change takes place within the framework of preceding structures which, as factors of a longue durée,5 generate path dependencies,6 or at least path probabilities, and limit the number of available options. This applies to social as well as epistemic structures7 – and it is with the latter that we concern ourselves here. More precisely, we engage with the reconstruction of a conceptual and discursive history in Japan triggered by cultural encounters, comparisons, and translations that became effective as a factor in a global history of religion.
As Friedrich Tenbruck has correctly stated, cultural encounter is the true area of, and great driving force behind, all history.8 Every cultural encounter, real or imagined, triggers a process of comparison and self-reflection. If we, following Luhmann, consider culture as an operation of comparison in the mode of a second-order observation,9 one could go as far as to claim that the encounter between, and mutual comparison of, societies is a necessary condition for culture’s emergence. Not infrequently, cultural encounters take place under the circumstances of a power imbalance, and pose a threat to at least one side – in which case, these encounters tend to become critical junctures.10 The encounter enforces a critical revision of one’s own culture (experienced as inferior or endangered) and an adjustment of given epistemic and social structures to the altered conditions. Of crucial importance for our topic, however, is the fact that every cultural comparison stimulated by cultural encounter triggers a process of cultural translation, for which the application of comparative concepts is essential.
This paper’s focus is on the formation, consolidation, and application of comparative concepts, as a result of such cultural encounters. Within this, my particular focus is on concepts that have been used for the classification and comparison of those socio-cultural formations that have been ‘religionised’ in global modernity or are retrospectively referred to as ‘religions’, thus becoming the subject and object of a global discourse on religion.
3 Encounters, Entanglements, Comparisons: the Emergence of Generalised Comparative Concepts in Japan and Europe
Despite its insular location, Japan was never completely isolated from the rest of the world – not even during its phase of ‘national closure’ (sakoku
Roughly speaking, one can identify three corresponding critical junctures in Japanese history with regard to this topic: (1) the seventh and eighth centuries, marked by a threat from China and by an intensive appropriation of Chinese culture, (2) the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, marked by encounter and confrontation with European missionaries, and (3) the nineteenth century, marked by Japan’s entry into the ‘global condition’. My focus in this paper will be on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the nineteenth century.12
3.1 The Encounter between Europeans and the Japanese in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries
With the encounter between the Japanese and Europeans, and especially between Buddhists and Christians, as a result of the Jesuit mission launched in 1549 under Francis Xavier (1506–1552), intercultural comparisons reached new heights. In contrast to earlier encounters and comparisons, which essentially amounted to selectively and creatively appropriating Chinese cultural elements and their underlying knowledge regime, the Japanese now encountered a completely unknown civilisation, with an unfamiliar script, an alien epistemology, and a conceptual apparatus that could only be translated into Japanese with great difficulty. At the same time, Japan was in a position of power – unlike in its relationship with China. Conversely, the Europeans encountered, for the first time, a civilisation ‘at eye level’, on which they could not simply impose their own ideas. Instead, they had to convince the Japanese. Due to this very special situation, an intensive process of systematic cultural translation commenced on both sides, leading to a long-term sharpening and consolidation of corresponding comparative concepts.
From a European-Christian perspective, Japan occupied a special position among the non-European civilisations. The Japanese were considered ‘white’ (blancos, alvos) and thus rational, i.e. ready to voluntarily (!) accept Christianity.13 Japan’s geographical location precluded armed European intervention. Merchants and missionaries thus had to adapt to Japanese laws and norms, rather than forcing their own onto the local population. In Japan, it was the Europeans who were considered uncouth, whereas the detailed reports sent back to Europe by the missionaries showed a high regard for Japanese civilisation. Francis Xavier said the Japanese were the best people he had met so far in Asia, and another missionary reported in 1577 that, except for their religion, the Japanese were superior to the West in all regards.14 Such reports about Japan were extensive: Cooper believes that Japan was probably the subject of the most letters and reports, out of all Asian countries in which Jesuit missionaries were active.
With the aim of gaining support in personnel and financing, many of these reports were published in Europe, and found widespread circulation.15 They eventually became the main sources of knowledge about the remote kingdom, for the descriptions of the world that enjoyed great popularity in Europe in the seventeenth century.
For the Jesuits, there was no question that the Japanese had their own religion. They naturally described the common worship of the kami (gods/spirits) and the Buddhas as a “religión”, which had diversified into “diversas sectas”. Both kami and fotoques (
On the Japanese side, a similar process of cultural translation took place. Since antiquity, terms such as hō
At first, Christianity was actually believed to be a variant of Buddhism, newly introduced from India, partly due to the fact that missionaries had first translated deus as dainichi
Thus, on both sides, terms whose conceptual scope had previously been confined to socio-cultural formations of a specific tradition or civilisational sphere were generalised and broadened to the status of comparative concepts. In Europe, the given terms had previously referred only to the three monotheisms; in Japan, they had referenced the traditions established in the ‘Sinosphere’, and especially Buddhist schools. As a result of the intercultural encounter, these terms underwent a considerable expansion of their scope of application, and, at the same time, a semantic stabilisation and sharpening – in accordance with the basic rule that the extension and intension of a term are inversely proportional to each other.
On the European side, the reports that the missionaries sent back from Japan – collected and translated into various languages, and supplemented by those of seafarers and merchants – triggered a boom in descriptions of religions in all parts of the known world. In the seventeenth century, such accounts of “Religions Observed in All Ages and Places”28 enjoyed great popularity. In these texts, religion was finally solidified as a concept for cultural comparison. Religion was henceforth considered a global phenomenon, and a constitutive element of every society.
For example, Alexander Ross (1590–1654), the prolific Scottish writer and Chaplain-in-Ordinary to Charles I, wrote in 1653:
All humane Societies, and civil Associations are without Religion, but ropes of Sand, and Stones without Morter, or Ships without Pitch: For this cause, all Societies of men in all Ages, and in all parts of the Universe, have united and strengthened themselves with the Cement of Religion.29
Likewise, on the Japanese side, the encounter with European missionaries stimulated the consolidation of a generalisable concept to describe alternative systems of orientation, to be used for cultural comparison. Furthermore, the traumatic encounter permanently changed religious policy and the perception of religion, with far-reaching consequences for Japan’s entry into a rapidly globalising discourse on religion in the nineteenth century, and the ‘religionisation’30 of Buddhism in the course of the emergence of a global religious system.
Because of its policy of isolation, starting in 1639 following the violent termination of Christian missionary work within its borders, Japanese intercultural contact was reduced to a minimum from the middle of the seventeenth century. However, awareness of the global multiplicity of orientation systems remained alive. Japanese intellectuals continued to be influenced by the latest developments in Chinese Confucian thought, though this was now increasingly processed in a nationalist or nativist manner. The discourse around the relative value of the ‘three teachings’ continued – with Daoism now being replaced by Shintō.
Moreover, Europe remained present in the minds of the Japanese, as a threatening but nonetheless alluring other, and the Japanese continued to keep themselves informed of developments in Europe and America. The Dutch, the only Europeans officially allowed trade with Japan after 1639, were used as informants. Although they were only allowed to reside on Dejima, an artificial island off Nagasaki, they were occasionally summoned to the Shōgun’s court, and Japanese interpreters tried to extract as much information from them as possible. A separate branch of scholarship emerged, commonly referred to as ‘Holland studies’ (rangaku
Of greater importance for our topic, however, is the fact that Christianity continued to exist in the collective consciousness as a dangerous religious alternative. The monitoring or identification and persecution of Christians who had been forced underground31 remained an important task of state authorities and Buddhist monasteries.32 Various anti-Christian writings were circulated, in which strong warnings were issued against the “evil sect” (jashū
Until 1873, wooden notice boards, so-called kōsatsu
This goes to show that throughout the Edo period, and into the early Meiji period, there was continued awareness that there were diverse shūmon within and outside of Buddhism, some of which were strictly forbidden as “evil shūmon” – e.g. the Buddhist Fuju fuse ha
The introduction of the danka seido
It was not until the sixth year of the Meiji era, 1873, that, under massive pressure from Western nations, the government announced that it would lift the ban on Christianity, remove the notice boards, and implement a policy of tolerance towards Christian believers.42 Let us examine the text of a typical public notice board (kōsatsu) from the year 1868:
Order: The ceremonies of the evil sect of Christians are strictly forbidden; If there are any suspicious persons, they are to be reported to the local authorities. A reward is to be granted; Year 4 [of the Government Decrees] Kei’ō [1868], 3rd month, Grand Council of State43
What is remarkable about this, and other similar kōsatsu, is the reference to the “ceremonies of the evil sect of Christians” (kirishitan shūmon no gi
Another effect that the encounter with Christianity had on the religious policy of the Edo military government was the enactment of strict temple regulations (jiin hatto
I therefore argue that these institutional developments, in conjunction with the conceptual ones, greatly facilitated Japanese Buddhism’s integration into a global religious system in the modern era. The social and epistemic structures necessary for this had already emerged in the Edo period.
3.2 The Transition to Global Modernity: Japan’s Entry into the Global Discourse on Religion in the Nineteenth Century
The forced opening of Japanese ports to international trade by American warships under Matthew C. Perry (1794–1858) in 1853 marked a dramatic turning point in Japan’s history. Faced with the threat of Western colonialism and imperialism, Japan resorted to the strategy of selective appropriation of foreign cultural elements to strengthen itself – a strategy that had been successfully employed since ancient times. As early as 1860, the Tokugawa regime sent a delegation to the USA – among them Fukuzawa Yukichi
Besides studying ‘the West’, a major task of the Iwakura Mission was to renegotiate the ‘unequal treaties’ that had been concluded between Japan and leading Western powers between 1854 and 1861. These treaties are relevant to Japan’s participation in a globalised religious discourse, because from 1858 onwards they regularly deal with the problem of religious freedom.51 What was fundamentally new about this encounter was that ‘East and West’ now spoke directly with each other and not primarily about each other, as had been the case in the earlier encounters that had produced the – mostly very polemical – Japanese descriptions of Christianity, and European descriptions of Buddhism and Shintō. This shift required, among other things, an alignment of the terms used. As these treaties were all written in two versions – one in Japanese and one in a European language – the concept of ‘religion’ (or ‘culte’, ‘godsdienst’, etc) had to be translated into Japanese. Thus, these legal documents help us understand which comparative concepts were used by the Japanese, and how the use of these concepts changed at the transition from an ancient regime to the new order.
The first in a series of treaties dealing with ‘religion’ is the so-called ‘Harris Treaty’ (Treaty of Amity and Commerce Between the United States and Japan; Jap. Nihonkoku Meriken gasshūkoku shūkō tsūshō jōyaku
Americans in Japan shall be allowed the free exercise of their religion (shūhō
宗法 ) […] No injury shall be done to such buildings, nor any insult be offered to the religious worship of the Americans. […] The Americans and Japanese shall not do anything, that may be calculated to excite religious animosity (shūshi ni tsukete no sōron宗旨に付ての爭論 ). […]53
This demonstrates that, in the last years of the Tokugawa regime, the Japanese still used the old terms shūhō and shūshi to translate ‘religion’. These terms had been used to refer to Buddhist schools prior to the encounter with Christianity, and, from the sixteenth century onwards, they were also applied to Christianity. However, under the new Meiji government, which took over in 1868, great efforts were made to modernise the national vocabulary in general – something that happened similarly in Western nations in the nineteenth century. The diffusionist thesis of a comprehensive Westernisation of non-Western knowledge regimes and terminologies regularly overlooks the fact that in the wake of technical innovations, scientific specialisation, and social changes in the “saddle period”,54 a whole new vocabulary with countless neologisms also emerged in Western societies. The vast majority of terms and concepts used to describe and analyse societal and cultural phenomena – and which now sound so familiar and ‘natural’ to us – were invented in that period. Arguably, it was in the broader context of a fundamental renewal of the thesaurus that the terms ‘shūshi’ and ‘shūhō’ were eventually replaced by ‘shūkyō
According to Josephson, the “Japanese term shūkyō first attained modern usage as a translation of the English religion in a letter protesting Japanese government interference in Christianity dated April 3, 1868”.55 In this letter, the sentence “the Christian religion is the religion of the Country I have the honour to represent” is translated as “Yasushū waga kuni no shūkyō
That the gradual replacement of the old terms (shūshi/shūhō) by a new one (shūkyō) did not mark a sharp break in conceptual history, but rather a smooth transition, is indicated by a comparison of the treaties concluded under the Tokugawa regime with those of the Meiji government. Let us take the Vertrag zwischen Preussen und Japan of the late Tokugawa period and the Vertrag zwischen dem Norddeutschen Bunde und Japan of the early Meiji period as examples. In Article 4 of the first of these treaties, concluded between Japan and Prussia in 1861, the word Religion in the German text58 is rendered as shūshi in the Japanese version.59 In the same article of the second treaty, between the North German Confederation60 and Japan in 1869, the term shūkyō is used instead,61 while the German text remains almost unchanged.62 Shūkyō is also used in the other treaties of this kind after the Meiji restoration.63 However, whereas shūkyō was established as a legal term at the very beginning of the Meiji period, it would take several more years before it prevailed over the previous comparative concepts shūshi, shūhō, shūmon, etc, which continued to be used as synonyms of shūkyō for a long time thereafter.64
Fukuzawa Yukichi, who played a major role in the modernisation of Japanese vocabulary,65 still uses shūshi, shūmon and shūkyō alongside each other in his Bunmeiron no gairyaku
The fact that shūshi was used as an equivalent to the Western concept of religion in the early Meiji period – despite the tendency to replace it with shūkyō in legal documents – is also evident in a section of the Illustrated Explanations on the West from 1871 by the famous writer Baitei Kinga
Generally speaking, the countries of the barbarians are very diverse, but there is no place where gods or Buddhas are not worshipped. In them, the most widespread and widely respected religions (shūshi) are […] Christianity – Islam […] – Judaism […] Brahmanism – Buddhism […].69
The fact that the transition from the pre-modern comparative concepts like shūshi and shūmon to the modern shūkyō was rather gradual and fluid is also reflected in dictionaries. In the famous Vocabvlario da lingoa de Iapam com adeclarção em Portugues, published in Nagasaki in 1603, shūmon (xŭmon) is given as the equivalent of “seita, ou religião”,70 and shūshi (xŭxi) that of “seita”.71 In a French translation of the Vocabvlario published in 1868, “secte” is likewise given as the equivalent of shūshi (choǔchi),72 and “secte, ou religion” as that of shūmon (choǔmon).73 This indicates that, at the beginning of the Meiji period, at least some authors believed that the pre-modern terminology was still appropriate for communicating with Europeans about Buddhism, Christianity, Confucianism, Shintō, etc. A Japanese-English dictionary from 1869 also mentions “shūshi” as the Japanese equivalent for “religion”.74 In a German-Japanese dictionary of 1872, “shūshi
These examples demonstrate that there was a strong continuity in the use of the comparative concepts that had already been established as equivalents of religion by the pre-modern period. This is not to say, of course, that the intension and extension of the terms religião or shūshi remained completely unchanged between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. The crucial point is that the European term religion and its premodern Japanese equivalents became generalised comparative concepts in the nineteenth century, as a result of the cultural encounter in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It was not until around the 1880s that shūkyō finally became the standard term. By this time, however, Japan was already an active player within the globalising discourse on religion. Changes in the use of language about religion could now no longer be understood as mere Westernisation, but rather as globalisation. They reflect general changes in the use of a globalised concept of religion, in the East as well as in the West.76
These changes include new juxtapositions. Initially, the dichotomy of state and religion was of central importance in Japan – a continuation, as it were, of the discourse on the “interdependence of the Buddha’s law and ruler’s law” (buppō ōbō sō’i
4 Conclusion
The formation of a global concept of, and discourse on, religion was at least partly the result of cultural entanglements and comparisons that occurred well before the nineteenth century. In this regard, Japan played a crucial role as a source of the modern concept of religion. First of all, a conceptual-historical analysis of earlier sources, which could only be carried out in a rudimentary way here, supports Krämer’s statement that “… the appropriation of religion was shaped at least as much by ‘indigenous factors’ – the premodern legacy of thought and concepts and the socio-political situation around the Meiji Revolution – as by the domination of Western modes of organising knowledge.”80
Japanese participation in a globalising discourse on religion took place within the framework of existing epistemic structures, and with recourse to already available conceptual resources. The crucial point, however, is that these epistemic structures and conceptual resources were themselves the result of earlier cultural encounters and entangled historical processes. However, such an expansion of the reservoir of comparative concepts available for future cultural translations occurred not only on the Japanese side, but also on the European one. In other words, two phases of intensive cultural exchange – firstly in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and then in the nineteenth century – were essential for the emergence of a generalised concept for the (potentially) global comparison of alternative systems of cognitive and normative orientation. Arguably, a European discourse on “all religions in the world”,81 on “the diversity of […] religions throughout the chiefe parts of the world”,82 “the religions observed in all ages and places”,83 the “diversis gentium religionibus”,84 “mancherley Religionen der Völcker”,85 or “Unterschiedliche Gottesdienste in in der gantzen Welt”86 would have developed later, differently, or perhaps not at all, without the sixteenth-century encounter between Europe and Japan.
Bio
Christoph Kleine is Professor for the History of Religions at Leipzig University, Germany, and co-director of the Centre of Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences “Multiple Secularities – Beyond the West, Beyond Modernities”. His main research areas are the religious history of Japan and East Asian Buddhism, especially Pure Land Buddhism in Japan. In recent years, he has been particularly concerned with the question of the formation of a ‘religious’ field and its conceptualisation in pre-modern Japan in the context of an entangled history. His monographs include Der Buddhismus in Japan (Mohr Siebeck, 2011), Der Buddhismus des Reinen Landes (Verlag der Weltreligionen, 2015), and (in collaboration with Oliver Freiberger) Buddhismus (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011). He has edited or co-edited several volumes, including most recently Religionsbegegnung in der asiatischen Religionsgeschichte (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2019) and Secularities in Japan (Brill, 2022).
Abbreviations
| KI |
= Takeuchi Rizō |
| T |
= Takakusu Junjirō |
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Kollmar-Paulenz, Zur Ausdifferenzierung, pp. 17 et seq.; Kollmar-Paulenz, Lamas und Schamanen, p. 184. Cf. Krämer, Shimaji Mokurai, p. 10.
Bergunder, Umkämpfte Historisierung, p. 48.
E.g., Horii: “the category ‘religion’ has been exported from Europe and North America to many parts of the world.” Horii, ‘Religion’ and ‘Secular’, p. 130.
For this concept, see Capoccia, Critical Junctures.
Cf. Braudel, Geschichte und Sozialwissenschaften.
For this concept, see Mahoney, Path Dependence; Capoccia and Kelemen, The Study of Critical Junctures.
Cf. Kleine and Wohlrab-Sahr, Comparative Secularities.
Tenbruck, Was war der Kulturvergleich, p. 23.
Schaffrick, Niklas Luhmann, p. 275.
Cf. Capoccia, Critical Junctures; Capoccia and Kelemen, The Study of Critical Junctures; Kleine, Formations of Secularity.
Buruma, Inventing Japan, pp. 14 et seq.
For earlier encounters and comparisons, see Kleine, Premodern.
Cf. Schurhammer, Die Disputationen, p. 47; cf. Cooper, They Came to Japan, p. 40. Coleridge/Xavier, The Life and Letters, vol. 2, pp. 237 et seq.; Gill, Topsy-Turvy 1585, p. 67.
Cooper, Frühe europäische Berichte, p. 47.
Cooper, Frühe europäische Berichte, p. 47.
Xaverius/Valignano, Monumenta Xaveriana, pp. 111–119; cf. Frois, The First European Description; Montanus, Gedenkwaerdige Gesantschappen, p. 361.
Schurhammer, Die Disputationen.
For further details and references, see Kleine, Religion als begriffliches Konzept.
E.g. Keiran shūyō shū (T vol. 76, no. 2410, p. 812c09); Usa mirokuji rususho kabun (KI vol. 2, no. 972, p. 300); Kujō michiie ganmon (KI vol. 9, no. 6723, p. 314); Kujō michiie sōshobunjō (KI vol. 10, no. 7250, p. 187); Daigoji hō’on’in ryōchūmon (KI vol. 17, no. 12767, p. 66).
E.g. Keiran shūyō shū (T vol. 76, no. 2410, p. 533b28); Hōjō Tokisada kōya kishin jō’an (KI vol. 22, no. 16808, p. 124); Tōdaiji chūshinjō (KI vol. 33, no. 25706, p. 271); Sagami gokurakuji chōrō junnin shijūkunichi ekōmon (KI vol 38, no. 29615, p. 160).
E.g. Keiran shūyō shū (T vol. 76, no. 2410, p. 533b28); Kegon shūyō gi (T vol 72, no. 2335, p. 196b26); Kankō ruijū (T vol. 74, no. 2371, p. 415b05; note that, in this text, a subtle distinction is made between shūkyo and shūshi); Enryakuji taishūge (KI vol. 5, no. 3234, p. 275); Kujō Michiie sōshobunjō (KI vol. 10, no. 7250, p. 187); Onjōji ge’an (KI vol. 12, no. 8869, p. 223).
E.g. Ha kirishitan, p. 3, in Tōhō Sho’in, ed. Kirishitan Shiryō. E.g. Nanbanji kōhai ki, p. 6, in Tōhō Sho’in, ed. Kirishitan Shiryō.
E.g. Nanbanji kōhai ki, p. 2.
E.g. Ha daiusu, pp. 27, 28, in Tōhō Sho’in, ed. Kirishitan Shiryō.
This term can be translated as ‘sect’ or ‘subdivision of a school’. It was, however, used to denote a Buddhist sect less frequently than the other terms. Cf. Ha daiusu, pp. 4, 24.
E.g. Ha daiusu, pp. 26, 28; Nanbanji kōhai ki, pp. 11 et seq.
Cf. Schurhammer. Das kirchliche Sprachproblem.
Purchas, His Pilgrimage. Cf. Stroumsa, John Spencer and Smith, Religion, pp. 271 et seq.
Ross,
Cf. Dreßler, Modes of Religionization.
Harrington, The Kakure Kirishitan; Whelan, Religion Concealed; Turnbull, The Kakure Kirishitan.
Hur, Death and Social Order; Morris, Anti-Kirishitan Surveillance.
The term jashū was already used in intra-Buddhist polemics in the Kamakura period (1185–1333). E.g. Enryakuji taishūge (KI vol. 5, no. 3234, 271); Daisōzu shunpan shojō (KI vol. 6, no. 3692, p. 57); Nichiren shojō (KI vol. 17, no. 13010, p.240); Nikkō okibumi (KI vol. 41, no. 31966, p. 182).
Like jashū, the term jahō was widely used to defame other Buddhist schools in medieval times. E.g. Nichiren shojō (KI vol. 13, no. 10310, p. 427; KI vol 14, no. 10742, p. 199); Genkū kōmon’an (KI vol. 3, no. 1490, p. 197). An early example of the application of the term jahō to Christianity can be found in the Bateren tsuihō no bun
Nakai/Teeuwen/Miyazaki, Christian Sorcerers.
E.g., Ugai, Hekija; cf. Paramore, Ideology, pp. 115–130.
Cf. Morris, Anti-Kirishitan Surveillance; Abe, From Prohibition to Toleration, p. 120.
Dougill, In Search.
Kikuchi, Tokugawa, pp. 124–126.
Tamamuro, The Development, pp. 37 et seq.
Daily Japan Herald, ed. Treatises and Conventions, p. 34; Naikaku Kanpōkyoku, ed., Hōritsu zensho, 1912, appendix p. 32.
Kunitake/Tsuzuki/Young, Japan Rising.
Cf. Shimizu, Hakubutsukan. Cf. Abe, From Prohibition, p. 120.
Cf. Kleine, Japanese Buddhist Concepts.
This is particularly clear in the case of Rennyo, the leader of the powerful Ikkōshū (later known as Jōdo Shinshū), who, in various letters, urges his followers to outwardly follow the laws of the ruler, and to keep the faith in the Buddha within. Cf. Rogers, Rennyo, pp. 68, 96–97, 99, 101. This is clear evidence that faith was seen as a free decision of conscience on the part of the individual. The roots for this individualisation and confessionalisation of Japanese Buddhism lie in the Buddhist reform movements of the thirteenth century.
Morris, Anti-Kirishitan Surveillance, p. 425; Nosco, Keeping the Faith, p. 148.
Fukuzawa, Zur Rezeption.
Cf. Kume/Tsuzuki/Young, Japan rising.
Cf. Krämer, Shimaji Mokurai; Krämer, Die Petition; Krämer, How Religion; Krämer, Reconceiving the Secular; Snodgrass, Presenting Japanese Buddhism, pp. 118 et seq.
Snodgrass, Presenting Japanese Buddhism, p. 119.
The Americans evidently had a special interest in religion, a point that had already been noticed by the Iwakura mission: “when Western people talk about a nation and its character, they always discuss religion.” Kume/Tsuzuki/Young, Japan Rising, pos. 1573, Kume, Tokumei, vol. 1, pp. 360–361. In the Japanese text “
For further information see Josephson, The Invention of Religion, pp. 78–93.
Daily Japan Herald, ed. Treatises and Conventions, p. 34; Japanese Naikaku Kanpōkyoku, ed., Hōritsu zensho, 1912, appendix pp. 31–32. The same text in Dutch is contained in the “Traktaat Hunne Majesteiten de Koning der Nederlanden en de Taikoon van Japan,” and in the Japanese version “godsdienst” is rendered as “shūhō” and “shūshi” again. Daily Japan Herald, ed. Treatises and Conventions, p. 43; Naikaku Kanpōkyoku, ed. Hōritsu zensho, appendix p. 42. The same applies to the treaty between Japan and Russia (1858/1859), written in French and Japanese. Here, the French noun “culte” is translated as “shūshi”, whereas the adjective “religieuse” is rendered “shūhō” (as a noun in the Japanese text). Daily Japan Herald, ed. Treatises and Conventions, p. 50; Naikaku Kanpōkyoku, ed. Hōritsu zensho, appendix p. 50.
For a critical revision of this term coined by Koselleck, Einleitung, cf. Fulda, Sattelzeit.
Josephson, The Invention of Religion, p. 189.
Naganuma, Monbushō, p. 124.
Krämer, Shimaji Mokurai, p. 44.
“Die in Japan sich aufhaltenden Preussen sollen das Recht freier Religions-Uebung haben. Zu diesem Behufe werden sie auf dem zu ihrer Niederlassung bestimmten Terrain Gebaeude errichten koennen.” Daily Japan Herald, Treaties, p. 83.
Naikaku Kanpōkyoku, Hōritsu zensho, appendix p. 99.
Founded in 1867, the Norddeutscher Bund was the first German federal state. It united all German states north of the river Main under Prussian leadership. Originally founded as a military alliance in August 1866, the constitution of 1st July 1867 gave the Confederation the status of a state.
Gaimushō, ed. Nihon doitsu jōyaku sho, p. 6.
“Die in Japan sich aufhaltenden Deutschen sollen das Recht freier Religionuebung haben. Zu diesem Behufe werden sie auf dem zu ihrer Niederlassung bestimmten Terrain Gebäude zur Ausuebung ihrer Religionsgebräuche errichten koennen.” Daily Japan Herald, Treaties, p. 177. The respective Japanese texts differ slightly, but more in terms of language than in content.
Cf. the treaty between Austria-Hungary and Japan, ratified in 1869. Gaimushō, ed. Nihon ōsutoriya jōyaku sho, p. 6.
Cf. Josephson, The Invention; Krämer, How Religion.
Fukuzawa, Zur Rezeption.
Fukuzawa, Bunmeiron; Fukuzawa, An Outline.
Fukuzawa, Bunmeiron, p. 115.
Fukuzawa, An outline, pp. 132 et seq.; Fukuzawa, Bunmeiron, p. 116.
Baitei, Seiyō, pp. 16–17.
Doi, Nippo, p. 627. In a Japanese edition of the Vocabvlario, the Portuguese “seita, ou religião” is translated into modern Japanese as “shūha, mata wa shūkyō
Doi, Nippo, p. 629. Translated into modern Japanese as “shūha
Pagè, Dictionnaire, p. 184.
Pagè, Dictionnaire, p. 187.
Takahashi/Maeda/Maeda, Wa yaku, p. 487.
Oda/Fudji/Sakurai, Deutsch-Japanisches, p. 838.
In this context, it should also be noted that the first chair of religious studies in Japan was established at the Imperial University of Tōkyō in 1905, at the instigation of Anesaki Masaharu
Kleine, Rethinking.
Fukuzawa, Bunmeiron, p. 145.
Cf. Suzuki, Shin shūkyō ron. A translation of three chapters – “Religion”, “God”, “Relation of Religion and Science” – is contained in Suzuki and Jaffe, Selected Works.
Krämer, How Religion, p. 91.
Ross,
Brerewood, Enquiries.
Purchas, Purchas His Pilgrimage.
Varenius, Brevis informatio.
Varen, Kurtzer Bericht.
Ross, Unterschiedliche Gottesdienste.