Abstract
This article presents the output of Yevgeniya Vasilyeva, one of the most outstanding Russian Kurdologists. Vasilyeva graduated from the Faculty of Oriental Studies of Leningrad State University and served from 1958 until 2016 as a researcher in the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences. She specialized in the study of Persian-language Kurdish chronicles. She translated Bidlisi’s Sharafnama into Russian, but she is best known for editing, translating and annotating several nineteenth-century chronicles of Ardalan. The historiography of the two Kurdish emirates of Ardalan and Baban became her life work, resulting in a rich monograph on the history of South-Eastern Kurdistan from the seventeenth to the early nineteenth centuries.
I am writing this obituary at a time when the wall separating Russia and the West has become reinforced again and the already existing cleavage between our different research traditions, including in Kurdish studies, harder to transcend. As a Polish student, Russian was the first foreign language I learned well, and it gave me unique access to Kurdish tradition long before I could speak any Kurdish. This was because of the immense work of translation undertaken by Soviet scholars with passion, discipline, and care, to provide readers with as much detail and information as possible. Yevgeniya Vasilyeva (22 January 1935–15 February 2023) was an outstanding representative of this tradition; her lifetime achievement testifies to the magnitude of her engagement, which, in our age of commercialized knowledge and temporary funding, seems hard to imagine. What is more, in contrast to the widespread image of the orientalist who comments on a text in their office while being completely detached from the society from which the text has been extracted, the reality of academic life led by Vasilyeva and other Kurdish and Russian scholars was quite different. In its best years, it was based on frequent discussions, field research, and a wide network of contacts built among the Kurds from different parts of Kurdistan and Europe, which allowed for the exchange of ideas that was not restricted to the Russian language. Moreover, reading Vasilyeva allows us to see the sincere friendship toward the Kurds that accompanied her in her lifelong adventure with Kurdish history. While it is hardly possible to present Vasilyeva’s output comprehensively in this short obituary, I shall identify some of her fields of interest and some of the major results of her research.
1 Life and Career
Yevgeniya Ilinichna Vasilyeva (Евгения Ильинична Васильева) was born in the village of Kiyevets in the province (oblast’) of Novgorod. Shortly before the end of the Second World War, in December 1944, the family moved to Leningrad (now St Petersburg). In 1953, Vasilyeva enrolled at the Faculty of Oriental Studies of Leningrad State University, where she studied Middle Eastern history. After her graduation, from 1958 until 2016, she worked as a researcher at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Institut Vostochnikh Rukopisey, IVR RAN).1 Her main interest, Kurdish history from the Middle Ages until the nineteenth century, coincided with one of the Institute’s main tasks, defined at the beginning of the 1970s, namely “the scientific description and publication of the monuments of the Eastern nations”.2 It is important to stress that the collection of manuscripts obtained in various ways over many centuries by the Russian Empire and later the Soviet Union was one of the largest in the world. The Soviet Union’s global ideological and political involvement moreover contributed to its prestige, among specialists as well as Kurdish intellectuals and politicians. The dedication of an institute to the study of these manuscripts demonstrated an interest in the histories and cultures of the ethnic groups of the huge Soviet Union and its neighbours which was important ideologically, even though it often led to their minoritization, “museumification,” or folklorization.3 Yet Vasilyeva’s efforts cannot be reduced to that. She frequently challenged the attempts by certain scholars—whom she never named explicitly—to make the Kurds and their reality into a museum of an archaic people. And although she worked on a rather distant Kurdish past, she could relate it to the Kurdish present by stressing the importance of history for the modern Kurdish identity.
2 Translations of Historical Chronicles
Vasilyeva began by translating the main Persian-language Kurdish chronicles into Russian. In 1967, she published the first volume of the Sharafnama by Sharaf Khan Bidlisi (written between 1596 and 1599), which was followed by the second volume in 1976. In 1984, she published an annotated translation of one of the Ardalan chronicles, Khronika: Istoriya Kniazheskogo Doma Bani Ardalan (The Chronicle: History of the Noble House of Ardalan) by Khusraw ibn Muhammad Bani Ardalan (completed 1833–1835). This translation was the basis for the doctoral dissertation (kandidatskaya dissertatsiya) she submitted in 1977. In 1990, she published a translation of the second Ardalan chronicle, written by Mah Sharaf Khanim Kurdistani (better known as Masture), titled Khronika Doma Ardalan (Chronicle of the House of Ardalan, written 1832–1847). The careful analysis of the information contained in these and other sources—including yet another Ardalan chronicle, Mirza Ali Akbar Kurdistani’s Hadiqa-yi Nasiriya, which she translated many years later into Russian—formed the basis for her magnum opus Yugo-Vostochny Kurdistan v 17–nachale 19 vekov: Ocherki istorii emiratov Ardalana i Babana (South-Eastern Kurdistan from the Seventeenth to the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century: Essays on the History of the Ardalan and Baban Emirates). This book, which was published in 1991, had been the basis for her doktorskaya (habilitation). It is the only monograph she published, unless we count a more elaborate version of the text that appeared in 2016 as a separate work.
This study of the Ardalan and Baban emirates consists of five chapters, covering political history (Chapter One), economics (Chapter Two), social and political structures (Chapter Three), social relations (Chapter Four), and the ideological situation (Chapter Five).4 Vasilyeva defined the aim of her study as “answering the question whether the Kurdish emirates of Baban and Ardalan constituted Kurdish statehood.”5 She answered this question in the positive, arguing that politically the emirates had the structure of state with all its trappings, economically they strove for self-sufficiency by dynamically managing the balance between nomadic and settled forms of life, and ideologically they were based on Sufism and on the idea of tribal solidarity.6 According to her, the “vassal status [of the emirates towards the Persian and Ottoman states] often consisted of nothing more than observing the ritual of submission.”7
In 2012, she published a translation of Mirza Ali Akbar Kurdistani’s Hadiqa-yi Nasiriya as Sad Tsarstva Nasira (The Garden of Nasir’s Kingdom, completed 1890–1892). Her last book, entitled Yugo-Vostochny Kurdistan v 16–19 vekakh: Istochnik po istorii kurdskikh emiratov Ardalan i Baban (South-Eastern Kurdistan from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century: Sources for the History of the Kurdish Emirates of Ardalan and Baban, 2016), contains translated fragments of yet another chronicle, Siyar Al-Akrad by Abdulqadir Babani (1868–1870).8 The title of this book resembles that of her previous monograph but it is different in both structure and content, which are more similar to the format of her annotated translations. Vasilyeva compares the information given by the local historian Babani with the Sharafnama’s conceptualization of Kurdistan and its history, as well as with the observations by the British traveller Claudius James Rich, who visited the Baban capital Sulaymaniya in 1812.9 The main emphasis in her study is on the crucial political changes that led to the division of Kurdistan, from the late sixteenth century, when the Sharafnama was compiled, and the early nineteenth century.10
3 From Translation to Historical Study
Vasilyeva’s work never consisted of translation only. Her analysis and the commentaries that accompanied all the translations, as well as many articles published as a result of her studies, show the very wide scope of her interests. Like Margarita Rudenko (1926–1976), who had translated and analysed important Kurdish texts such as Mem and Zin by Ahmed Khani (1962) and Mela Mahmud Bayazidi’s description of Kurdish customs (1963), her approach was based on a close reading of the texts that were her primary sources in order to extract information that lay hidden beneath the surface. The reader who follows Vasilyeva’s analysis and commentaries is thus drawn into a fascinating adventure, where the translator becomes like an inquisitive detective, who by comparing different sources and by attention to detail is able to shed light on historical events. For example, as shown below, by comparing the Persian and Kurdish chronicles she was able to propose her own interpretation of the course of historical events.
As mentioned before, Vasilyeva joined the Institute in 1958 and soon became involved in the work of the Kurdologists associated with the Kurdology unit created by Yosif Orbeli in 1956 and later led by Qenatê Kurdo (Kurdoyev). As stated by Vasilyeva, the unit focused mainly on Kurdish linguistics, oral tradition and literature, because the study of contemporary affairs of the Middle East was assigned to the Moscow Academy of Sciences. Nevertheless, the Leningrad unit also included historical studies, mainly representing her efforts.11 This academic position offered her an opportunity to work on the history of Kurdistan, which meant that the area between the Ottoman and Persian empires, treated only marginally by many other historians, became her main focus. This was also justified by the manuscripts to which she had access and translated, starting with the Sharafnama and followed by the three Ardalan chronicles. As a result, the history of the Ardalan and Baban Emirates gradually became her main topic of interest as a historian. She studied also the other Ardalan chronicles, including Zubdat Al-Tavarikh-i Sanandaji (The Essence of Sanandaj Histories) by Muhammad Sharif Ghazi (1800) and the so-called Supplement to Bidlisi’s Sharafnama (Zayl-i Sharafnama) composed in 1810 by Muhammad Ibrahim on the order of the Ardalan ruler Amanullah Khan (1799/1800–1824/25), who presented a copy to the British historian and traveller John Malcolm. She also referred to the other existing Ardalan chronicles,12 and drew upon other studies and translations produced by the Soviet Kurdologists with whom she collaborated, including Margarita Rudenko, Qenatê Kurdo, Celîl and Ordixanê Celîl, Zhaklina Musaelian, and Zara Yusupova. These colleagues were investigating Kurdish oral and classical traditions. For Vasilyeva, Kurdish oral tradition was a valuable point of reference for Kurdish history. She investigated and translated into Russian (1989) the initial part of the so-called Lost History Book by Mela Mahmud Bayazidi, the introduction to which, translated into French by August Kościesza-Żaba (Alexandre Jaba, 1801–1894), was kept in the library of the Academy of Sciences. What is more, being especially interested in not only the history but also the political, social, and economic role of the Kurdish tribes, Vasilyeva referred to the results of the fieldwork conducted by her Soviet colleagues and foreign researchers such as Martin van Bruinessen, whose book she cited many times.13 In her 1991 book, she also refers to Kurdish historians and intellectuals such as Muhammad Amin Zakî, Kamal Mazhar Ahmad, Mala Karim Mudarris, Jamal Baban, and Tawfiq Qaftan.
4 Historical and Philological Aspects of Vasilyeva’s Comparative Work
Usually, she compared as many different versions of the manuscripts as she could find (including those located outside of the Soviet Union) and described the most substantial differences between them. Her comparative work included accessing other historical data from various Persian and even Ottoman chronicles, as well as from travelogues, reports, and diaries of French, British, and Russian visitors and agents, in order to verify and enrich the information presented in the Kurdish chronicles.14
Vasilyeva presented the Ardalan histories as distinctive local dynastic chronicles and compared them to both the Sharafnama and Persian court chronicles. She admitted that even though the chronicles by Khusraw ibn Muhammad and Masture repeat the description of Kurdistan as presented in the Sharafnama, they concentrate on the much narrower area of the Ardalan emirate and its history; moreover, where these chronicles speak of the Kurds, this refers specifically to Ardalan Kurds only. This suggests that, unlike the earlier Arab or Persian historians for whom the Kurds were primarily nomads and shepherds, for these two Ardalan authors, the terms Kurd and Kurdistan must not simply have referred to ethnicity or a rural way of life but rather had a noble meaning that was associated only with the honourable Ardalan dynasty and its emirate. Vasilyeva qualified the local character of the chronicles as on the one hand contrasting with the Sharafnama’s overview of Kurdistan, the scope of which was wider, and on the other hand different from the Persian tradition of universal and court histories.15 However, the work by Muhammad Sharif Ghazi, which is the earliest among the Ardalan chronicles, rather resembles a universal history with only one chapter devoted to the Ardalan emirate, which indicates that the genre of the chronicles underwent changes in early nineteenth-century Ardalan. There are also other chronicles, including one by Abdulqadir Babani written between 1868 and 1871 in Sine (Sanandaj) and Silêmanî, which deals with the dynasties of both Ardalan and Baban just after their ousting from power, and one by Mirza Ali Akbar Kurdistani, written between 1890 and 1892, after Ardalan had been brought under the control of governors appointed by the Shah rather than the Kurdish emirs (1867–1868). Both differ in many details from their predecessors and demonstrate the interesting evolution of the genre. For example, Ali Akbar declares his desire to search for truth, understood as an important aspect of writing history, while Abdulqadir Babani criticizes his predecessors for not writing the truth out of fear of Amanullah Khan and therefore narrowing their scope to only the Ardalan emirate.16 It is interesting to note that Ali Akbar’s history is the first to contain a chapter titled “The Country of Media,” along with other chapters devoted to geographical features rather than ruling families, such as “Sanandaj” (Chapter Two), “Regions of Kurdistan” (Chapter Three), “Rivers of Kurdistan” (Chapter Four), and “Mountains of Kurdistan” (Chapter Five), which provide a significant amount of geographical, social and agricultural information.17
Vasilyeva highlighted the multiple stylistic similarities that connected the chronicles with Persian historiography but also identified the differences. Apart from the last ones, the chronicles do not begin with a reference to the Persian Shah but start by praising God and the Prophet, after which the author states the reason for writing the chronicle, namely the need to describe the history of the magnificent Ardalan dynasty.18 The two last chronicles are dedicated to the Qajar ruler Nasiraddin Shah (1831–1896); Ali Akbar Kurdistani had in fact been personally introduced to the Shah as the secretary and adviser of Ardalan’s governor, Hasan Khan Amir Nizam.19 The Kurdish chronicles lack the elaborate introductory outline and the complex system of chapters and sections that are characteristic of the Persian historical tradition and have a much simpler structure.20 In her last book, Vasilyeva highlighted the fact that in contrast to Khusraw ibn Muhammad, Masture, and Bidlisi, who wrote about a single Kurdistan, both Babani and Ali Akbar used the plural form of the word Kurdistan to refer to the various parts of the Kurdish homeland.21 Vasilyeva associated the appearance of Ardalan historiography in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century with the rise in the political ambitions of the Ardalan emirs.22 Vasilyeva named Babani’s chronicle a requiem for the Baban and Ardalan emirates and suggested that the work might not have been planned by the author as serious historical writing.23 The work by Ali Akbar, on the other hand, was in her view a unique source of geographical and social information, due to the author’s erudition stemming from the intellectual environment of Sine, his vast travels, and the duties of reporting for the Shah’s administration.24
When she was preparing the edition and translation of Khusraw ibn Muhammad’s chronicle for her 1977 doctoral dissertation, she believed that the Paris manuscript on which it is based was the only extant copy of this work. In her introduction to the published version (1984), she describes her surprise at discovering that another copy of this work had come to light and was published in Tehran in the same year 1977 as Lubb-i Tavarikh (The Essence of History) by Ismail, Ali and Sayfaddin Ardalan. By comparing the two manuscripts she discovered that the Paris copy was a later version of the text and contained amusing changes introduced by the author after the death in 1834 of Ardalan’s ruler, Khusraw Khan, whom he evidently disliked (as shown by several unfavourable remarks in the chronicle). Most of the part flattering Khusraw Khan was removed from the section devoted to him and moved to a new section devoted to his son, Riza Quli Khan.25 This reveals some intricacies about the Ardalan family, of which the chronicler was an impoverished member, and of the process of writing the historical chronicle, where some parts of the text were movable just like the blocks of an oral performance.
Comparing Khusraw ibn Muhammad’s chronicle with that by Masture, Vasilyeva brings out Masture’s creativity and critical approach. She shows that Masture had her own individual literary style and avoided regurgitating the words of her predecessors, even when repeating a description of the same events. What is more, unlike the hasty and emotional writing style of Khusraw ibn Muhammad, Masture regularly compared historical sources to verify their narratives, and she discussed their reliability. She also inserted legends and stories told within the Ardalan family.26
Through her comparison of the Ardalan chronicles with other Persian historical sources, Vasilyeva was able to consider the course of different military campaigns and political intricacies. She notes that the Persian chronicle Rustam al-Tavarikh (The Hero of Histories), by Muhammad Hashim Asaf Isfahani, contains interesting and probably reliable information regarding the Kurdish rulers Khusraw Khan the Great (1752–1790) and Amanullah Khan (1799–1824) that is not found in the Kurdish chronicle, namely that both of them had competed with the Qajars for the Persian throne.27 Despite the many flattering descriptions of the Ardalan emirs, the Ardalan chroniclers kept silent about these rulers’ imperial ambitions and even insisted that the Ardalans had supported the Qajars from the very beginning. According to Vasilyeva, this may be justified, in that the Ardalan chronicles were completed at a time of relative stability for the Qajar power and therefore avoided any direct references to Qajar and Ardalan rivalry concerning the throne.28
5 Tribes, Sufism, and Kurdish Childhood
One of Vasilyeva’s main topics of interest, linking her early and later writing, was the Kurdish tribes, their complex and—as she often stressed—dynamic structure, and their various political, economic, and social functions.29 According to her, even though Kurdish society was often divided into nomadic, semi-nomadic, and settled segments, such division was to a great extent artificial and did not take into account the constantly changing structure of the tribes, which depended on difficult geographical, social, and political circumstances, especially after the sixteenth century. In her articles and books, Vasilyeva challenged the view that the nomadic or semi-nomadic lifestyle of the Kurdish tribes in the nineteenth century was a sign of their backwardness. Rather, she said, it proved their extraordinary mobility, skills, and resilience, as well as adaptability to unfavourable circumstances.30 Based on the material attentively gathered from the chronicles and travelogues, she devoted much space in several of her publications to the economic and political realities of sixteenth- to nineteenth-century Kurdistan, as well as to the role of Kurdish mysticism and religious leadership.31 While acknowledging the contribution of Martin van Bruinessen (1978), in her paper “Duhovnoje nastavnichestvo v istorii kurdskikh kniazheskikh familii” (Spiritual Guidance in the History of the Kurdish Noble Families) she nonetheless insisted that the crucial role of the shaykhs’ spiritual guidance in Kurdish politics had existed long before the nineteenth century and was not the result of the decline and dissolution of the Kurdish dynasties from power as asserted by Bruinessen.32 To prove this, she provided many details from the historical chronicles she knew so well. This shows that she intended to enter into a dialogue with Western academia even though, due to various reasons, these attempts have not been noticed by the other side.
Another interesting example of her work, proposing a new topic in Kurdish studies, was the chapter written in collaboration with J. Haydari titled “K voprosu o sotsializatsyi kurdskikh detey” (The Socialization of Kurdish Children, 1983). Even though the data consisted of a rather chaotic mixture of various historical and modern sources (as the authors themselves admitted), it exposed Vasilyeva’s outstanding knowledge of various texts and her great attention to detail, such that she could gather and compile them into an interesting whole to present the diverse and changing Kurdish reality. Apart from the chronicles, Bayazidi’s descriptions of customs, travelogues and some folkloric sources, the authors also quoted from the Kurdish journal Hawkarî, which had published statistics about the number of schools and students in Iraqi Kurdistan, as well as adding some interesting information about the Iraqi educational organizations active in Kurdistan.33
6 Communist Ideology
Vasilyeva’s approach to Kurdish history reflects the essentialist vision of the Kurdish nation that was popular in Soviet Kurdology. Yet in her publications she never insisted that Kurdish historiography was completely distinct from the Persian and other Muslim traditions. On the contrary, we find many references and comparisons to the Persian chronicles and the Islamic heritage expressed by Kurdish historiographers. As stressed before, she was also interested in Kurdish Sufism and its evidently political context, which contradicts the general characteristic of Soviet Kurdology, described as dominated by folklorization and de-Islamization of the Kurds.34 It is also important to stress that, despite the communist ideology widely present in the approach of Soviet authors, her references to the class struggle as well as to Marxism and Leninism are subtle, well-considered, and sometimes intriguing. The influence of historical materialism is visible in her long introduction to Khusraw ibn Muhammad’s chronicle and in her 1991 monograph, where she deals with the means of production as one of the important determinants of the historical process. However, she was hardly ever privileging material base over cultural issues. What is more, even though she had great appreciation for the Ardalan historiographers, especially Masture, she shows us that these chronicles often represented the interests of the ruling class and presented the Kurdish masses or the Yezidis in a derogatory manner. Yet, if we look at Vasilyeva’s output, we realize that her fascination with Kurdish historiographers and with the content of their chronicles was definitely stronger than any ideological guidelines. Let us not forget that dealing with the distant past was also one of the ways some Soviet historians intended to omit the all-encompassing impact of ideology. Interestingly, contrary to the widespread criticism toward “the Western imperialists” visible in the earlier works of Soviet Kurdologists, Vasilyeva often directly enjoyed the diaries and travelogues of British and French authors. Even though she called some of them agents (a term she never applied to Russian officers and travellers), she formulated criticism in a subtle and elegant manner. Take for example this comment on Rich: “taking into account his specific interests and putting aside his reflections on first and second class members of the Kurdish ethnic group, one can find in his book various kinds of valuable information about Ardalan and Baban.”35
In one of her papers, we learn that Qenatê Kurdo was the first to “translate the classics of Marxism and Leninism into Kurdish,” which may point to the Kurdish Kurdologist’s strong ideological zeal compared to Vasilyeva’s, who seldom referred to the Marxist classics.36 However, this also raises the question whether Kurdo’s translations were the product of a sincere political devotion or rather an obligatory show of loyalty for non-Russian scholars wishing to enter prestigious Soviet institutions.
Finally, Vasilyeva’s ideological approach may be visible in the large scale of her project, the translation and analysis of Persian-language Kurdish chronicles, which she continued working on until the end of her life. Such monumental undertakings were a very important part of the Soviet citizens’ building of the bright future. Yet considering her meticulous attention to detail, we can today only remain grateful to her hardworking spirit.
Vasilyeva’s contribution to Kurdish studies and particularly to studies of Kurdish history remains immense. Apart from the Sharafnama, which had previously been translated into many languages, Vasilyeva’s Russian translations of the Ardalan chronicles remain the only translations of these histories into a European language.37 Unfortunately, her output is little known outside Russia, except for Iraqi Kurdistan, where her 1991 book on Southeast Kurdistan in the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries was translated into Sorani Kurdish by Reşad Mîran (1997, and reprinted by Aras Publishing, Erbil 2009). I particularly admire Vasilyeva’s research rooted in translation, which she understands as a precise and patient work of jeweller’s craftsmanship and—importantly—also as a reflection on words, meaning, and context. Transmitted with care into Russian, the Kurdish chronicles continue to delight. Their style and figurative language is a fascinating historical and literary adventure.
Details on her career can be found on the website of the IVR RAN, which also gives access to many of Vasilyeva’s publications:
Istoriya IVR RAN, see
See: Giese, “Transformation of Islamic Cities,”145–166; Tunbridge and Ashworth, Dissonant Heritage; Leezenberg, “Soviet Kurdology and Orientalism,” 86–102.
The English titles of the chapters are given after the English Table of Contents included in the book on the page 59. See Yugo-Vostochny Kurdistan (1991).
Vasilyeva, Yugo-Vostochny Kurdistan (1991), 20.
Ibidem, 241–245.
Ibidem, 241.
Vasilyeva suggests two possibilities for the meaning of the Persian title Siyar Al Akrad, either The Life of the Kurds or the The Road of the Kurds. However, she did not translate the title into Russian and left it in Persian throughout the book. See Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (2016), 36.
Rich, Narrative of a Residence in Koordistan
Vasilyeva, Yugo-Vostochny Kurdistan (2016), 70–72.
Vasilyeva, “Kurdovedeniye,” 6–9.
She mentions these chronicles after the 1988 Sorbonne doctoral dissertation by Abdallah Mardukh entitled “Contribution à l’étude de l’histoire des Kurdes sous la dynastie Ardalan du XVIe siècle au XIXe siècle.” See Kurdistani, Khronika Doma Ardalan, 18; Kurdistani Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira, 18.
See Vasilyeva “Dukhovnoye nastavnichestvo,” 143–148, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (1991), “Versii inorodnogo proiskhozhdenia,” 104–108, “Skotovodcheskoye kochevye,” 108–114, “Kurdskoye plemia,” 172–195.
Most frequently she referred to Claudius James Rich, John Malcolm, Nikolaj Minorskij, Vasilij Nikitine, Ely. B. Soan, Vladimir Veliaminof-Zernov, Jean B. Tavernier, Laurence Lokhart, Tinco Martinus Lycklama, Yegor Chirikov, F. Chernozubov.
Ardalan, Khronika; Kurdistani, Khronika Doma Ardalan.
Kurdistani, Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira, 16, 224; Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (2016), 89. Babani’s ancestors suffered a great deal at the hands of Amanullah Khan, which is why his perspective on the ruler was understandably different. See Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (2016), 14.
Kurdistani, Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira, 23, 40, 44, 55, 79, 90.
Kurdistani, Khronika Doma Ardalan, 46.
Kurdistani Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira, 16.
Ardalan, Khronika; Kurdistani, Khronika Doma Ardalan; Kurdistani Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira; Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (2016).
Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan, (2016), 71; Mossaki and Kurin “Review,” 222.
Ardalan, Khronika; Kurdistani Khronika Doma Ardalan.
Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan, (2016), 45, 46.
Kurdistani Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira.
Ardalan, Khronika, 11–13.
Kurdistani, Khronika Doma Ardalan, 28–41.
Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochnyy Kurdistan (1991), 52.
Ibidem, 53.
Vasilyeva, “Kurdskiye feodalnije kniazhestva,” 33–35; “Terminy taife, ashiret, kabile,” 6–9; Ardalan, Khronika, 9–95; Vasilyeva “Dukhovnoye nastavnichestvo,” 143–148; Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (1991); “Versii inorodnogo proiskhozhdeniya,” 104–108; “Skotovodcheskoye kochevye,” 108–114; “Kurdskoye plemia,” 172–195; Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (2016); Vasilyeva and Haydari, “K voprosu,” 23–36.
Ardalan, Khronika, 9–95; Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (1991); “Skotovodcheskoye kochevye,” 108–114; Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan, (2016).
Ardalan, Khronika, 9–95; Vasilyeva, “Dukhovnoye nastavnichestvo,” 143–148; Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (1991); “Skotovodcheskoye kochevye,” 108–114; Kurdistani Ali Akbar, Sad Tsarstva Nasira.
Vasilyeva, “Dukhovnoye nastavnichestvo,” 143–148.
Vasilyeva and Haydari, “K voprosu,” 23–36, citing the Hawkarî issue of 21 January 1980.
Leezenberg, “The heritage,” 86–102.
Vasilyeva, Yugo-vostochny Kurdistan (1991), 13.
Vasilyeva, “Kurdovedeniye,” 3.
See Vasilyeva’s English-language article “The first Persian, French and Russian Editions of Sharaf-Nāma” (1999).
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Angelika Pobedonostseva Kaya and Stanislav Kuvaldin for assisting me in accessing some of Yevgeniya Vasileyva’s works.
References
Ardalan, Khusraw ibn Muhammad. Khronika. Istoriya kurdskogo kniazheskogo doma Bani Ardalan. Facsimile of the manuscript, translation from Persian, introduction and commentaries by Y.I. Vasilyeva. Moskva: Nauka, 1984.
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