Abstract
This study explores the epigraphical program of Mamluk preaching pulpits (minbar, pl. manabir), focusing on Quranic and other religious inscriptions. Quranic verses are the most frequently employed inscription, while other religious texts are occasionally cited. These inscriptions emphasize the benefits of endowing mosques, the significance of minbar placement within the mosque, and practices of Muslim devotion comprising the Friday prayer. This article proposes that inscriptions are specifically chosen to signify the minbar as a place for preaching, both for the Friday noon (ḫuṭba) as well as popular preaching (mawʿiẓa). This is particularly evident in the late Mamluk minbars of Cairo, which bear inscriptions of two prominent components of the ḫuṭba. Furthermore, a unique inscriptional reference to using a minbar for mawʿiẓa is also presented.
1 Introduction1
This study undertakes a comprehensive examination of the epigraphic program found on Mamluk preaching pulpits, commonly referred to as minbar (pl. manabir). The primary focus centers on Quranic and other religious inscriptions that adorn these pulpits. While Quranic verses constitute the predominant form of inscription, occasional references to other religious texts are also identified. The initial section provides a comprehensive overview of the inscriptions typically encountered on Mamluk minbars. Subsequently, this study offers an interpretive analysis of the predominant epigraphic program employed on these minbars.
The assertion is made that the selection of Quranic verses for these minbars distinctly emphasizes their function within the Friday sermon (ḫuṭba, pl. ḫuṭab2), as minbars are the stage for the ḫaṭīb to deliver the ḫuṭba during the Friday noon prayer. This assertion finds support in the observation that these verses not only indirectly allude to the ḫuṭba in terms of their content and style but also directly quote verses employed during the ḫuṭba. Moreover, this study highlights that the direct incorporation of ḫutba verses is a unique feature exclusive to late Mamluk minbars situated in Cairo.
The subsequent section of this study shifts its focus to the inscriptions found on the minbar situated in the ʿAṭṭār Mosque in Tripoli. These inscriptions serve as illustrative examples of the minbar’s use for popular preaching, thus providing a counterbalance to and enriching the prevailing epigraphic program evident in the late Mamluk minbars located in Cairo.
2 Increase of Minbars during the Mamluk Period
During Mamluk rule (c.648–923/1250–1517), the territories encompassing present-day Egypt, Israel, Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria experienced a significant increase in construction work. Several economic and social factors drove this building boom, and it was financed by both military and political, as well as the civilian elites (Meinecke, 1992: vol. 2, p. VII; Behrens-Abouseif, 2007: pp. 9–23, 51–63).3 The evidence suggests that increasing construction during the Mamluk period was primarily motivated by establishing charitable and religious structures on an unprecedented scale. To ensure the maintenance of these structures and provide long-term support for the families and descendants of the patrons, a vast quantity of inalienable, irrevocable, and perpetual endowments (known as waqf, pl. awqāf) were established (Reinfandt, 2003: pp. 29–31; Igarashi, 2022). These trusts resulted from emirs, sultans, and select civil servants (Haarmann, 1998: p. 70) having been granted a share of the income from tax revenues of agricultural land (iqṭāʿ) for their livelihood and administrative and military expenses as a form of compensation for their services (1998: p. 70; Reinfandt, 2003: pp. 32–4). The amount corresponded to their rank and function. To protect this acquired wealth, it could be transformed into a waqf (Sabra, 2000: p. 73; Reinfandt, 2003: p. 28). The establishment of a perpetual and theoretically inviolable waqf with a religiously justified purpose was a suitable and secure means of preserving wealth during times of potentially shifting power dynamics, including the loss of trust by the ruler, power, or income from iqṭāʿ property and possible confiscation (Haarmann, 1998: p. 71; Reinfandt, 2003: pp. 28, 32).
Additionally, the Mamluk elite could not distribute their power in the form of offices and iqṭāʿ revenues to their sons, the so-called aulād al-nās (Haarmann, 1998: p. 70; Reinfandt, 2003: p. 27; Igarashi, 2022). However, establishing a waqf could at least bypass the iqṭāʿ system (Reinfandt, 2003: pp. 27–8; Behrens-Abouseif, 2007: p. 12). During their lifetime, the endower usually personally managed the endowment and designated an administrator (nāzir) for the time after death. This administrator usually derived from within the family, thereby securing their livelihood (Haarmann, 1998: p. 72; Sabra, 2000: p. 73). Therefore, establishing a waqf enabled at least a partial assurance of the prosperity of the endower’s descendants (Sabra, 2000: p. 5; Lapidus, 1967: p. 74; Behrens-Abouseif, 2007: p. 12). As Haarmann aptly summarizes, the establishment of mosques improved the patron’s status in this world and the hereafter and provided for the family after death (1998, p. 72). The resulting increase in construction activity also led to further endowments of congregational mosques, or places where the Friday prayer, including the ḫuṭba, was held (Loiseau, 2012). Given that minbars are the traditional setting for the ḫaṭīb to preach the ḫuṭba, the Mamluk construction boom also had an impact on their numbers: forty-two minbars are preserved in Cairo and three in its hinterland. Although the building boom was not limited to the capital alone, it can also be observed in the Syrian province, where nineteen minbars are preserved today.4
The number is significantly higher when compared to the limited number of preserved minbars in the region dating to the fifth–seventh/eleventh–thirteenth centuries. For instance, only three Fatimid minbars have been preserved; one from ʿAsqalān that is now in the ḥaram of Hebron (484/1091), one in the Monastery of Saint Catherine on the Sinai (500/1106), and one in the ʿAmr Mosque in Qus (550/1155). The minbars commissioned by Nūr al-Dīn in Hama (559/1164) and in the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem have been largely destroyed (564/1169). Meanwhile, a minbar dating from Ayyubid rule can be found in the Ḥanābilī mosque in Damascus (610/1213–4).
The extensive number of preserved minbars from the Mamluk period, covering a span of over two centuries and diverse regions across the sultanate, presents a unique opportunity to study these objects beyond their individual cases. Instead of examining these minbars in isolation, analyzing them as a group enables us to identify and compare similarities and differences. This approach will involve a detailed study of the Mamluk minbars inscriptions to better understand their meaning within their respective religious and social contexts.
3 Locating Inscriptions on Mamluk Minbars
Most Mamluk minbars share a common feature, the presence of inscriptions on both stone and wooden examples throughout the entire period in all regions. The inscriptions are on various structural elements, including the canopy, flanks, and portal (Fig. 1). Given the substantial number of Mamluk minbars that are still extant in Cairo spanning the entire period, it is possible to observe patterns in the positioning of these inscriptions over time. For instance, early Mamluk wooden minbars in Cairo, e.g., in the Mosque of Aḥmad b. Ṭūlūn (696/1296), the Mosque of Ṭalāʾīʿ Ibn Ruzaik (699/1300) and the Mosque of Sitt Ḥadaq Miska (740/1339–40), have large inscription panels on their portals resembling those on Fatimid wooden minbars at the Monastery of Saint Catherine in the Sinai and the minbar in the ʿAmr Mosque in Qus. In Syria, we can observe similarities in the placement of inscriptions within the handrail frame of the destroyed, but documented wooden Mamluk minbar at the Great Mosque in Hama (701/1302) with those found in two minbars commissioned by Nūr al-Dīn in Hama and Jerusalem, as well as on the Fatimid minbar located in Hebron.
A minbar in the Mosque of Sitt Ḥadaq Miska, Cairo (740/1339–40), Q 9:18 on the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2013From the second quarter of the tenth/fifteenth century, the design of Cairene minbars underwent considerable changes. Those in the madrasa of the vizier ʿAbd al-Ġanī Ibn Abi l-Faraǧ (821/1418), and the Mosque of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh (c.822/1419, Fig. 2) dating to the reign of sultan al-Muʾayyad Shaykh (r. 815–24/1412–21) can be considered a turning point in their design in Cairo during Mamluk rule (Kühn, 2019: pp. 187–196). From then on, the supporting canopy posts became one of the characteristic features of most minbars dating after 823/1420, dividing the flanks into a vertical and rectangular area below the preacher’s seat and a triangular area flanking the course of the stairs. This new structure allowed for additional opportunities to locate inscriptions on minbars, such as placing inscription panels above the opening in minbar flanks. In certain instances, such as on the minbar in the Mosque of Princess ʿAṣalbāy in Madīnat al-Faiyūm (904–5/1498–9) and the minbar in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī in Cairo (909/1503), inscription panels were also placed in the area above the panels flanking the preacher’s seat (Fig. 3).
A minbar in the Mosque of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh, Cairo (c.822/1419), religious inscriptions above the opening in the flank
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2008A minbar in the Mosque of Princess ʿAṣalbāy, Madīnat al-Faiyūm (904–5/1498–9), the flank with inscriptions above and below the panel flanking the preacher’s seat
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2008Most inscriptions found on Mamluk minbars are carved in either stone or wood. Notable exceptions are inscriptions on the upper panels of the door wings on a minbar in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, carved in ivory, and the inscription on the minbar of the Mosque of Mankalībuġa al-Šamsī in Aleppo (760s/1360s or 818–84/1415–80), which is painted (Fig. 4). Some are also executed as an additional wooden layer placed in front of a mashrabiyya grid, namely on the minbar in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir (885/1480–1, Fig. 5) and the minbar in the Mosque of Shaykh Muhammad al-Ġamrī, today madrasa, mausoleum, and Ḫānqāh of al-Ašraf Barsbāy (843–60/1440–56, Fig. 17) or as inlayed ivory on the minbar in the Madrasa of Shaykh Ḥusain Abu l-ʿIlā (890/1485–6, Fig. 6). Nasḫī is the most common writing style used for these inscriptions, although Kufic is also employed in three inscriptions, including the two mentioned above, as well as on the minbar in the ʿAṭṭār Mosque in Tripoli (751/1350–1).5 This indicates that great care was taken in the design and execution of the inscriptions, suggesting they were an important aspect of the minbar’s overall design and function.
A minbar in the Mosque of Mankalībuġa al-Šamsī, Aleppo (760s/1360s or 818–84/1415–80), portal with painted poetic inscription
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
M. Kuehn, 2007A minbar in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir, Cairo (885/1480–1), Q 16:90 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006A minbar in the Madrasa of Shaykh Ḥusain Abu l-ʿIlā, Cairo (890/1485–6), Q 33:56 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 20064 Categories of Inscriptions Used on Mamluk Minbars
The inscriptions found on Mamluk minbars can be categorized into four main groups, ascending by number: 1) artisan signatures; 2) restoration inscriptions of the nineteenth century; 3) endowment inscriptions; and 4) Quranic verses or other religious texts. Artisan signatures are rare and found on only eight extant Mamluk minbars, mostly made of wood and located in Syria. These date from the end of the seventh/thirteenth to the beginning of the eighth/fourteenth centuries, starting with the minbars in the Great Mosque of Aleppo (699–709/1299–1310) and Hama, and culminating in the third quarter of the eighth/fourteenth century, including the minbar in the Ṭainal-Mosque in Tripoli (736/1336). This temporal limitation can be explained by the fact that all preserved Mamluk minbars featuring artisan signatures in the Syrian province are datable to this period. In Egypt, only the minbar in the Mosque of Abi l-Maʿāṭī in Damietta (771/1370) and the Madrasa of Shaykh Ḥusain Abu l-ʿIlā in Cairo are signed.
In contrast, restoration inscriptions are primarily located in Cairo and related to conservation work undertaken by the Comité de Conservation des monuments de l’art arabe. Established in 1881 to preserve Islamic monuments in Cairo and throughout Egypt (see Speiser, 2001: el-Habashi, 2001), this institution played a significant role in preserving minbars in Cairo. Seventeen minbars have post-Mamluk restoration inscriptions mentioning the patron, the date of execution, and the reigning ruler (Kühn, 2019: p. 276).
Endowment inscriptions, cited on thirty-six Mamluk minbars, constitute the second most popular inscription (Kühn, 2019: Anhang 7). This differs from pre-Mamluk examples, predominantly featuring endowment or historical inscriptions. An exemplary case is the portal inscription on the Hebron minbar, mentioning the miracle story of discovering the head of Hussein, the very reason for creating the sanctuary in ʿAsqalān, the minbar’s original site (Combe, 1936: vol. 7, pp. 259–60, no. 2790; de Smet, 1998: pp. 36–7). Another divergence is that titles and praises of Mamluk patrons endowing the minbar, very often the sultan himself (Kühn, 2019: pp. 290–305), are generally less elaborate when compared to those in Hama and Jerusalem endowed by Nūr al-Dīn.6 One exception is the inscription in praise of Sultan al-Ẓāhir Baibars from the minbar of the al-Azhar Mosque (665/1266) (Combe, 1943: vol. 12, p. 109, no. 4562), which is more extensive than other Mamluk minbars. A possible explanation for this deviation is that the inscription might have been created in the Ayyubid tradition (see Rabat, 2012: p. 22).
Nevertheless, Mamluk minbars focus less on this type of inscription than on Quranic and other religious inscriptions.7 These can be found on almost every part of the minbar where text is possible; on inscription panels above the door to the front and back of the portal, the door wings of the portal, above the opening in the flanks, the bannister rail, above and below the panel flanking the backrest of the preacher’s seat, and the ceiling and the dome of the canopy. Quranic verses, in particular, are common with forty-two of sixty-four preserved minbars that feature them. The most popular Quranic verses found in these examples are Q 33:56, 16:90, and 9:18, with other verses, including Q 48:1–2, 22:77, 33:41, and 62:9 occurring multiple times as well (App. 1).
Nine minbars cite other religious texts, including poetry, namely on examples in the mosque of the governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā, Aleppo (797–9/1394–7), the ninth/fifteenth-century ʿAli ibn Marwan Mosque, Gaza, the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir, Cairo, and the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (872–901/1468–96). Prayers and further texts with religious content are found on minbars in the ʿAṭṭār Mosque, Tripoli, the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī, Damascus (823–6/1420–3), the mosque of the governor Mankalībuġa al-Šamsī, Aleppo (760s/1360s or 818–84/1415–80), and al-Muʾayyad Shaykh (c.822/1419), as well as of Shaykh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Dašṭūṭī (912/1506) in Cairo (App. 2). In the following, the dominant type of inscriptions employed on Mamluk minbars, Quranic inscriptions and those with religious content, will be examined in more detail, and interpretations of the common themes in the epigraphical program will be discussed.
5 Chronological and Regional Preferences of Inscriptions with Quranic and Religious Content
Before turning to the content analysis of the Quranic inscriptions or inscriptions of other texts with religious content, a brief overview will be provided on the temporal and regional distribution of the inscriptions and their peculiarities. In Cairo, the greatest variety of Quranic verses on minbars are found on those dated before 872/1468, or prior to Sultan al-Ašraf Qaitbāy’s reign (r. 872–901/1468–96). Beginning with his reign, a clear focus emerged in the minbar inscription program with the Quranic verses Q 3:56 and 16:90 becoming the most popular verses on late Mamluk minbars. Out of the fourteen preserved in Cairo and its hinterland, dating to the reigns of Sultans al-Ašraf Qaitbāy (r. 872–901/1468–96), al-Ẓāhir Qāniṣauh (r. 904–5/1498–1500), and al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī (r. 906–22/1501–16), thirteen bear one or both verses (Fig. 7). Eleven Cairene examples feature verse Q 33:56 on the front. The two remaining, located in the Mosque of Shaykh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Dašṭūṭī (912/1506) and the madrasa of Amīr Ǧānim al-Saifī (883/1478) (Herz, 1908: p. 19), have reconstructed inscriptions by the Comité de Conservation des monuments de l’art arabe.
A minbar in the ḫānqāh of al-Nāṣir Faraǧ, Cairo (888/1483), Q 33:56 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006Quranic verse Q 16:90 appears on the reverse of five minbars, and it is used on both the front and back of the minbar in the madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir and on the front of the minbar in the Madrasa of Shaykh Ḥusain Abu l-ʿIlā (890/1485–6, Fig. 6).
The combination of Q 33:56 on the front and Q 16:90 on the reverse is present in four minbars, including those in the Madrasa and Mausoleum of al-Ašraf Qaitbāy (877–9/1472–4, Fig. 8), the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (872–901/1468–96), in the ḫānqāh of al-Nāṣir Faraǧ (888/1483, Fig. 7), and the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī (909/1503). Five of the eleven featuring Q 33:56 on the front do not have preserved original inscriptions on the reverse. This is the case in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qaitbāy (880/1475), in the Mosque of Amīr Timrāz al-Aḥmadī (882/1477), in the Madrasa of Shaykh Ḥusain Abu l-ʿIlā, in the Madrasa of Amīr Azbak al-Yūsufī, Cairo (900/1495), and in the Mosque of Princess ʿAṣalbāy in Madīnat al-Faiyūm. However, most of the late Mamluk minbars that have preserved both the front and back sides display Q 33:56 on the front in combination with Q 16:90 on the reverse, indicating that Q 16:90 might have been originally present on these five as well (Fig. 8).
A minbar in the Madrasa and Mausoleum of al-Ašraf Qaitbāy, Cairo (877–9/1472–4), Q 16:90 on the reverse of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006Although Q 33:56 and 16:90 are also found on Cairene and Syrian examples from different periods, the combination of Q 33:56 on the front with 16:90 on the reverse is a distinct feature of late Mamluk minbars in Cairo. The only earlier instance of this combination is found on one commissioned for the Mosque of Shaykh Muhammad al-Ġamrī (843–60/1440–56), now located in the Madrasa, Mausoleum, and ḫānqāh of al-Ašraf Barsbāy. While a temporal preference for certain Quranic verses during the late Mamluk period in Cairo can be observed, those Mamluk examples found in Syria exhibit greater flexibility and variability in their inscriptions throughout the period. For instance, Q 7:126 is only found on the minbar of the Great Mosque in Hama (Šaḥāda, 1976: p. 202), and Mamluk minbars in Aleppo do not repeat any Quranic verses twice. However, they do demonstrate a preference for Q 9:18, which was also the most frequently used verse in Cairo before 872/1468.
This assessment is consistent with observations regarding other inscriptions containing religious content. It should be noted that such inscriptions are more often found within the Syrian province than in Cairo, and the latter, with a dominance during the late Mamluk period. It can be observed that all Cairene minbars featuring non-Quranic religious inscriptions do not exclusively feature them but also include Quranic inscriptions. The arrangement of these various types of inscriptions may be perceived as indicating a particular hierarchy. Quranic inscriptions are placed at the center of visibility, capturing the audience’s attention in the large panel above the minbar entrance, except in the Mosque of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh, where an endowment inscription is found instead. In contrast, other religious texts are usually placed in subordinate positions, such as on smaller panels located in the upper section of the door wings, as seen in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo and the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, or above the passages on the sides of the minbar in the Mosque of Muʾayyad Shaykh, the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir, and the Mosque of Shaykh ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Dašṭūṭī. Other religious texts can also be found on the inner side of the preacher’s seat, as in the Mosque of Muʾayyad Shaykh.
Three Syrian minbars deviate from the common practice of combining Quranic inscriptions with inscriptions of other religious content. These exceptions are observed in the Mosque of Governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā in Aleppo and in the Mosque of ʿAli ibn Marwan in Gaza, where the central inscription panel features poetry along with an endowment inscription, while other Quranic inscriptions are absent. Similarly, in the minbar of the Mosque of Mankalībuġa al-Šamsī in Aleppo (Fig. 4), only poetry is applied to the portal, which is painted and not engraved, making it a unique case. The preference for Quranic inscriptions on the portal and other religious inscriptions on the sides can also be observed in Syria. An example is the minbar in the ʿAṭṭār Mosque in Tripoli. The minbar in the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus features Quranic and other religious inscriptions within the same panel, which covers the entire railing on the right side (Fig. 9).
A minbar in the Mosque and Mausoleum of Emir Taurīzī, Damascus (823–6/1420–3), Q 33:56 above the opening, and Q 9:20 on the handrail as well as other religious inscriptions on the handrail and the panel flanking the preacher’s seat
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007During the late Mamluk period, a certain focus was observed in the inscription program of minbars in Cairo, which mainly employed Quranic verses Q 33:56 and Q 16:90 while also allowing for some flexibility to incorporate other religious inscriptions as evidenced in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo and the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. In contrast, those in Syria generally exhibited greater variability among inscriptions. Further investigation and analysis are necessary to comprehend the reasons for these regional and temporal variations in the inscription program. One potential avenue for inquiry involves scrutinizing the artisans, patronage networks, and workshops involved in minbar production in Cairo and Syria. Given the resemblance in the design of the Cairene minbars commissioned by the sultan, military, or high-ranking civilian elite, it is probable that the same workshops were involved, similar to monumental architecture (Behrens-Abouseif, 2007: p. 65). In contrast to the capital, mosques and their minbars in the provinces were not commonly commissioned by sultans but by deputies or local elites. Additionally, it appears that different workshops, perhaps local ones, participated in minbar production in Syria, corresponding to monumental architecture patronage (2007: pp. 66–8). These workshops likely continued local decorative forms and traditions, which might account for their greater variability, including inscriptions.
In her analysis of inscription programs on religious buildings in Cairo, Montasser suggests that it would be worthwhile to consider the potential influence of the ḫuṭba on the selection of certain Quranic verses. The ḫuṭba was generally authored by religious scholars, or ulama, who may have also been responsible for choosing the Quranic verses used as inscriptions (Montasser, 2009: p. 208). The potential extension of this rationale to the minbar is particularly intriguing because it implies that the ulama who selected Quranic verses for inscriptions may have incorporated them into their sermons delivered from the same minbar.
The process of selecting Quranic verses for inscriptions on Mamluk minbars did not simply mean selecting a passage and transcribing it onto the object. Rather, the selection process emphasized certain aspects of these verses by choosing specific extracts deemed particularly significant. This is evident on the example in the Victoria and Albert Museum, where the inscription of the popular Quranic verse Q 16:90 uniquely ends with the importance of generosity towards relatives. Moreover, in some cases, other inscription categories, such as hadith on the minbar of the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus or endowment inscriptions on the minbar in the Mosque of Ṭalāʾīʿ Ibn Ruzaik, were combined with Quranic verses to create a more nuanced message. By selecting specific excerpts, even from the same Quranic verses, Mamluk ulama and patrons were able to achieve considerable and individual variations in the inscriptions. Overall, there must have been close collaboration with the calligrapher and the carver of the inscription, as the inscription texts were always chosen to fit the corresponding inscription panel.
In one instance, we actually do know the name of the inscription’s author, who happened to be a high-ranking government official. The central inscription on the minbar in the Mosque of Governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā in Aleppo was written in a poetic form by Imam al-raʾīs Zain al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Ibrāhīm al-Rihāwī, the secretary of state (kātib al-sirr) of Aleppo, documented by Ibn al-ʿAǧamī (Kunūz al-ḏahab, 1996: vol. 1, pp. 237–8; Sauvaget, 1950: p. 37; Herzfeld, 1954–6: pp. 358–9) (Fig. 10).
A minbar in the Mosque of Governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā, Aleppo (797–9/1394–7), a portal with the inscription of a poem by Imam al-raʾīs Zain al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Ibrāhīm al-Rihāwī
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007Generally, most minbars were not produced in isolation (see Kühn, 2019: pp. 307–29) but rather endowed within the context of mosque construction along with other furnishings, such as Quran stands (kursī), doors, and window grills. Therefore, their inscription programs should be considered in conjunction as well.8 Furthermore, it is noteworthy that Quranic inscriptions were given priority placement at the portal of the minbar, while other religious texts were located on structural elements that received less focus from the audience, e.g., during Friday prayers. The following paragraphs will examine the content of the inscriptions to elucidate why certain Quranic verses were deemed particularly suitable for the minbar.
6 Inscriptions Referring to God’s Grace and Mercy in the Present World and Reward in the Afterworld
The religious inscriptions, mainly Quranic, chosen for a Mamluk minbar can be classified into four main interrelated categories:9 God’s grace and mercy in the present world; reward in the afterworld; endowing mosques and minbars; the minbar’s use during Friday prayers, especially for the ḫuṭba (Fig. 11). The inscriptions on regarding God’s grace and mercy in the present world and reward in the afterworld are the least specific to the minbar. Quranic verse Q 48:1–2 can be attributed to this category, promising triumph and acknowledging God’s grace: “truly We have opened up a path to clear triumph for you [Prophet], so that God may forgive you your past and future sins, complete His grace upon you, guide you to a straight path.” It is a quite popular verse, having been inscribed on four minbars (Fig. 11).
A minbar in the Mosque of Amīr Aṣlam al-Silāḥdār, Cairo (745–6/1344–5), Q 48:1–2 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2008Further Quranic verses cited are more explicit in their eschatological content, e.g., Q 61:13, 2:58, 21:101, 18:39, and 17:80. Thus, the inscription along the inner edge of the canopy on the minbar in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī citing Q 33:41–6 refers to the reward that good Muslims will receive: “it is He who blesses you, as do His angels, in order to lead you out of the depths of darkness into the light. He is ever merciful towards the believers – when they meet Him they will be greeted with ‘Peace’ – and He has prepared a generous reward for them,” Q 33:43–4. The reward is further specified in the endowment inscription on the walls of the qibla iwan below the windows citing amongst others Q 48:5 “so as to admit believing men and women into Gardens graced with flowing streams, there to remain, absolving their bad deeds – a great triumph in God’s eyes” (O’Kane, 189.11) (Fig. 12).
A minbar in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī, Cairo (909/1503), portal inscription
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006In addition to Quranic verses, other inscriptions referring to God’s grace and reward in the afterworld can also be found on the minbar. For instance, on the right side of the example in the Mosque of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh in Cairo, a prayer requesting entry into Paradise is inscribed: “O God, we ask of You Your consent and Paradise, and we take refuge with You from Your anger and from hell” (O’Kane, 190.32).
The inscription in the Mosque of Governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā in Aleppo highlights the patron’s hope of admittance into Paradise and to receive silk as a reward for his endowment of the minbar (Fig. 10): “… built for Allah by Taġrībirdī, may he be rewarded with Paradise and silk.” In this context, silk is interpreted as luxurious clothing worn in Paradise, as mentioned in Q 22:23 (Herzfeld, 1954–6: vol. 1, p. 358, no. 209; Sauvaget, 1950: p. 37). Finally, there is a pun on the door wings of the minbar portal in the Madrasa Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo, combining the name of the patron (Muzhir) and the garden of Paradise (al-raud): “Fī rauḍ muǧidd Muzhir (Rizq, 1980: p. 70) [in a glorious and flowering Paradise (O’Kane, 49.3)].” The use of the word al-raud in this context can also be interpreted as a specific reference to the minbar, and even more to the prophet’s minbar, the prototype of all minbars (Kühn, 2019: pp. 331–45). Several slightly differing ahādīth10 refer to the area between the prophet’s house, his grave, and his minbar in the prophet’s mosque in Medina as rauḍa min riyāḍ, i.e., the Garden of the Gardens of Paradise (Lane, 1863–93: p. 1187, s.v. rauḍ).
Moreover, the prophet is reported to have said that his minbar is situated on his pond (wa minbarī ʿalā ḥauḍī) (al-Fāsī, 2000: vol. 2, p. 425; al-Samhūdī, 1984: vol. 2, pp. 29–31), with the term ḥauḍ being understood as a reference to the Paradise Pond or cistern (al-kauṯar) (also see Busse, 1988: p. 107). According to another tradition, the prophet also said that his minbar is located on the turʿa (Paradise channel?)11 of the turaʿ of Paradise (al-Fāsī, 2000: vol. 2, p. 425). Concerning the term turʿa, al-Fāsī identified three different interpretations, which interestingly correspond to the individual elements of the minbar (door, seat, and step). One interpretation maintains that turaʿ refers to the rauḍa, situated in the elevated and distinguished place (al-makān al-murtafiʿ ḫāṣṣa), i.e., the seat of the prophet. Another interpretation suggests it refers to the door, while a third identifies it as the steps (2000: vol. 2, p. 425). In al-Samhūdī’s extensive discussion of ḥawḍ, rauḍa, and the minbar, the eschatological dimension of the prophet’s minbar also becomes evident (al-Samhūdī, 1984: vol. 2, pp. 29–31): both the Garden of Gardens and the pond are associated with Paradise.
7 Inscriptions Referring to Minbar Placement in a Mosque
Some inscriptions found on Mamluk minbars combine the themes of eschatology and the benefits of endowing and tending mosques. This correlation is relevant insofar as they are installed and used in mosques. For instance, the inscription along the sides of the minbar in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo contains a promise of salvation resulting from building a mosque (Fig. 13): “(1R) oh you who has built a house for God The Eminent lord will repay you, (2R) Together with its beautiful minbar this mosque will live long because of prayers, (1L) Tomorrow you will find a great house That God has built for you in heaven, (2L) Through the honour of the Prophet, the best of God’s creation, the most honorable Prophet of God” (O’Kane, 49.1). A similar inscription is found on the right bannister on the minbar in the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus, citing the hadith that those who build a mosque for God will be rewarded with a house in Paradise built by God: “… who builds a mosque for God, even if it is small as a nesting site for sand-grouse [ka-mafḥaṣin qaṭātin], God will build a house for him in Paradise. He who builds a mosque for God, will have a house like it built by God for him in Paradise”12 (Fig. 9).
A minbar in the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir, Cairo (885/1480–1), religious text on the right flank, below the panel flanking the preacher’s seat
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006The verse Q 9:18 also addresses the topic while focusing on the importance of tending (yuʿammir) God’s places of worship (Fig. 1): “the only ones who should tend God’s places of worship are those who believe in God and the Last Day, who keep up the prayer, who pay the prescribed alms, and who fear no one but God: such people may hope to be among the rightly guided.” As Q 9:18 combines the divine command to tend places of worship and the reward in the afterworld, it is often cited in relation with endowment inscriptions not only on minbars, but also on mosques (Hillenbrand, 1986: pp. 173, 175–6; Blair, 1998: p. 69; Montasser, 2009: p. 199–200). Most of the inscriptions focus on the first part of the verse (see App. 1). By incorporating this verse in the inscription recording the act of endowment, the patron can be portrayed as devout and hope for salvation. This becomes particularly evident in the case of the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus, where the epigraphical program of the mosque reflects this longing. The monumental inscription of the waqf-document in the entrance hall explicitly acknowledges the patron’s merit for endowing the building leading to perpetual prayer (Gaube, 1978: p. 96). While the verses Q 9:18–22 mentioning the reward for those who have endowed a mosque are not inscribed on the mosque’s walls, they are instead displayed on the minbar. Featuring Q 9:18–22 on the minbar emphasizes his integral significance as a central locus of meaning within the mosque (Fig. 9). Further Quranic verses generally referring to places of worship also hint at the placement of the minbar within a mosque. Among these are the verses Q 24:36, 72:18, and 3:37, each of which are cited only once on a Mamluk minbar.
8 Inscriptions Referring to the Use of the Minbar during Friday Prayer
Added inscriptions allude to the use of the minbar in the broader context of (Friday) prayer and ultimately the Friday sermon (ḫuṭba). To contextualize this interpretation, the individual aspects of the rules and procedures of Friday prayer and the ḫuṭba in particular will be presented shortly, based on the works of three šāfiʿit jurists dating to the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods: Muhammad b. Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Quraišī al-Šāfiʿī (Ibn al-Uḫuwwa’s) ḥisba manual Maʿālim al-qurba fī aḥkām al-ḥisba (1938), Muḥyī ad-Dīn Abū Zakariyyāʾ Yaḥyā b. Šaraf b. Murīʾ al-Nawāwī’s fiqh-treaty Minhaǧ talibīn (Howard, 1977), and Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār ad-Dimašqī’s sermon manual Adab al-ḫaṭīb (1996). Al-Nawāwī identifies five points necessary for the validity of Friday prayers. One of these points includes specific guidelines for the Friday sermon. Since the Friday prayer and sermon are inherently linked, the guidelines for the prayer also dictate rules for the sermon. For instance, the time frame for the sermon is precisely defined. Ibn al-Uḫuwwa emphasizes in his writings the importance of Friday as a special day (1938: p. 61) and describes the exact time for the prayers, which should be held at the time of the midday prayers (Howard, 1977: p. 57; Juynboll, 1910: p. 87).
Furthermore, he establishes rules for the spatial conditions required for a properly conducted Friday midday prayers, and hence also the ḫuṭba: The prayers should take place in a location surrounded by buildings where members of the community live (Howard, 1977: p. 57). In addition, in a city, the Friday prayers should not be held at different locations, neither simultaneously nor successively, unless the residents are so numerous that they cannot easily gather in one place (1977: pp. 57–8). This point is crucial for Mamluk Cairo, where several simultaneous Friday prayers took place in the city’s numerous Friday mosques (compare Loiseau, 2012). The number and characteristics of the participants in the assembly are also specified. Al-Nawāwī states that there should be at least forty adults, free, healthy, settled Muslims who do not travel in winter or summer, except when necessary (Howard, 1977: p. 58). Finally, al-Nawāwī extensively discusses the content of the sermon. He states that the imam must deliver two sermons before the prayers (see Juynboll, 1910: p. 88; Swartz, 1983: pp. 227–8; Jones, 2010: p. 24), each consisting of five parts. These are:13 firstly, the praise of God (ḥamd Allah/taḥmīd), secondly, the prayer for the prophet (ṣalāt ʿalā l-nabī/taṣliya) (see Swartz, 1983: pp. 227–8), and thirdly, an exhortation to piety, the wording of which is not prescribed (see Jones, 2010: p. 25).
These three parts must be used in each of the two sermons, with a recitation of Quranic verses as the fourth obligatory part in one of them (Howard, 1977: p. 58; Juynboll, 1910: p. 88). As the first ḫuṭba consists of a more extended address, the first of the two ḫuṭbas is also referred to as al-ḫuṭba al-waʿẓiyya or ḫuṭbat al-waʿẓ, meaning the hortatory or admonishing sermon (Jones, 2012: p. 71; EI2, s.v. khuṭba (Wensinck); Lane, s.v. ḫuṭba). Fifthly, a prayer for the well-being of Muslims (al-duʿāʾ li-l-muʾminīn) should be said in the second sermon (Howard, 1977: p. 58),14 also known as the descriptive and qualifying sermon (ḫuṭbat al-naʿt) (Jones, 2012: p. 71; Lane, s.v. ḫuṭba; Dorpmüller, 2005: p. 155).
Regarding the sermon’s delivery, he emphasizes that it must be delivered in Arabic and in the correct order of points 1–3 at the appropriate time when the sun begins to decline (see Jones, 2010: p. 23). Ideally, the imam should stand for each sermon and sit during the interval (compare Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār, 1996: p. 13). Additionally, the sermons must be spoken loudly enough to be heard by a minimum number of congregation members (Howard, 1977: p. 58; Jones, 2010: p. 33; Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār, 1996: p. 118; Rescher, 1980: p. 806 [112]). Al-Nawāwī also specifies the further course of the Friday prayers after the sermon, stating that after the second sermon has been delivered, the muezzin begins to call for prayer the second time. During this time, the ḫaṭīb or imam descends from the pulpit to stand before the miḥrāb before the second call for prayer is finished. Then he recites a prayer (Howard, 1977: p. 59).
Some inscriptions allude to the minbar’s use within this wider context of the (Friday) prayers by referring to certain aspects of Muslim devotion and practice, such as the call for prayer (Q 62:9), bowing and prostrating during prayers (Q 22:77), invocations to God (duʿāʾ; Q 72:18), praising God (ḥamd Allah; Q 17:111), praying for the prophet (ṣalāt ʿalā n-nabī; Q 33:56) (Fig. 14), or reminding of God (ḏikr; Q 24:36, 33:41, 62:9). The verse Q 62:9 explicitly refers to the Friday prayers, combining different ritual aspects of the call for prayers and reminding of God (ḏikr): “believers! When the call to prayer is made on the day of congregation, hurry towards the reminder of God and leave off your trading – that is better for you, if only you knew.” Therefore, it was deemed suitable on several minbars, including those in the Madrasa and ḫānqāh of al-Ẓāhir Barqūq (854/1450–1), in the Mosque of Amīr Qaǧmās al-Isḥāqī (884–5/1479–80), and the Madrasa of Amīr Azbak al-Yūsufī (900/1495) in Cairo. Moreover, non-Quranic inscriptions also reference certain aspects of Muslim religious practices. For instance, an inscription on the minbar of the ʿAli ibn Marwan Mosque in Gaza mentions that Allah is praised (ḥamd), remembered (ḏikr), and prayed for (ṣalāt) (Sadek, 1991: p. 127).
A minbar in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī, Cairo (909/1503), Q 33:56 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006Religious inscriptions on the flanks of the minbar of the Madrasa of Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo and the minbar in the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus also refer to ḏikr. Finally, on the minbar in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, the Praise (ḥamd Allah) and reminding of God (ḏikr) is inscribed on the two upper panels on the door wings of the portal: “to your lofty gate belong the steps of praise (marāqī l-ḥamd)” on the left wing and “oh Minbar, you bestow remembrance (tahdī al-ḏikr) and contemplation (of God)”15 on the right wing. The last inscription places particular emphasis on the role of the minbar in facilitating ḏikr.
9 Inscriptions Designating the Minbar as a Site for Preaching the ḫuṭba
Finally, inscriptions are found on the Mamluk minbar that can be interpreted as emphasizing their use for the Friday sermon (ḫuṭba). Some of the selected Quranic verses and other religious texts containing quoted addresses, exhortations to believers (see Dodd and Khairallah, 1981: vol. 1, p. 82),16 and invocations or supplications to God (duʿāʾ) can be interpreted as references to the Friday ḫuṭba. As discussed above, it is essentially an address incorporating the hortatory sermon directed towards the congregation (compare Jones, 2012: p. 105) and sections dedicated to praying on behalf of the faithful (EI2, s.v. khuṭba [Wensinck]). While all Quranic verses may be included in the ḫuṭba, the choice of verses on the Mamluk minbar highlights a particular focus on specific themes and tones characteristic of the ḫuṭba. Thus, some of the selected Quranic verses explicitly quote passages of literal addresses, such as Q 3:173, 18:39 and 2:58: “remember when We said, ‘Enter this town and eat freely there” (Q 2:58) (Fig. 15). While these examples are generally addressing in intonation, other quoted verses mirror the preaching style of the ḫuṭba with their admonishing, or invoking tone, including: “say, ‘My Lord, make me go in truthfully, and come out truthfully, and grant me supporting authority from You’” (Q 17:80).
A minbar in the Great Mosque of Aleppo (699–709/1299–1310), Q 2:58 on the upper panels of the door wings of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007The popular verses such as Q 16:90, 33:56, and 9:18 fall into the category of exhortations to be a good Muslim by following certain practices and refraining from others.17 The verse Q 16:90 is rather general and refers to God’s commandment to act with justice and do good deeds (Fig. 16): “God commands justice, doing good, and generosity towards relatives and He forbids what is shameful, blameworthy, and oppressive. He teaches you, so that you may take heed.” It can be observed that the minbars dating earlier than 872/1468 tend to reproduce the whole verse, while later examples reproduce the first part “God commands justice, doing good” (see App. 1).
A minbar in the Madrasa of al-Ašraf Qāniṣauh al-Ġaurī, Cairo (909/1503), Q 16:90 on the reverse of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006The verse Q 33:56 invokes worshippers to bless (ṣallū) and salute (sallimū taslīman) the prophet in the manner of God and his angels (Fig. 17): “God and His angels bless the Prophet – so, you who believe, bless him too and give him greetings of peace.” Q 33:41–2 complements this invocation by encouraging the faithful to frequently remember God and praise Him in the morning and evening (ḏikr): “believers, remember God often and glorify Him morning and evening.”
A minbar in the Mosque of Shaykh Muhammad al-Ġamrī, today the Madrasa, Mausoleum, and Ḫānqāh of al-Ašraf Barsbāy, Cairo (843–60/1440–56), Q 33:56 on the front of the portal
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2006The verse Q 9:18 contains an exhortation to the reader to have faith in God and the day of judgement, to perform prayer, pay zakat, and to fear only God (Fig. 18). This is believed to lead to an eventual reward: “The only ones who should tend God’s places of worship are those who believe in God and the Last Day, who keep up the prayer, who pay the prescribed alms, and who fear no one but God: such people may hope to be among the rightly guided.” These verses can be understood as urging and admonishing the faithful to obey God and become good Muslims, which is a fundamental objective of the Friday ḫuṭba. Ibn al-ʿAṭṭar, in his manual for preachers titled Kitāb adab al-ḫaṭīb, emphasizes that “the aim of it [the ḫuṭba] is inflaming the hearts toward the obedience to God” (1996: p. 111; trans. by Jones, 2012: p. 94, and see pp. 75, 105).
A minbar in the Mosque and Mausoleum of Governor Ṭainal al-Ašrafī, Tripoli (718–23/1318–23), Q 9:18 on the reverse of the preacher’s seat
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007Another category with Quranic verses in Mamluk minbar inscriptions include invocations and prayers directed towards God, which are an essential part of the second ḫuṭba. An example can be found on the minbar in the Qubbat al-Fadāwīya in Cairo (c.854/1450): “praise be to God, who sent down the Scripture to His servant and made it unerringly straight” (Q 18:1). However, quoted literal prayers predominate, for example on the minbar in the Madrasa of Vizier ʿAbd al-Ġanī Ibn Abi l-Faraǧ in Cairo citing the excerpt “Lord, We believe. Forgive us and have mercy on us: You are the most merciful of all” (Q 23:109). Further instances are Q 3:53, 35:34, 60:4, and 7:126. Other religious inscriptions aside from Quranic ones are prayers or supplications to God. For example, the inscription located on the left side of the preacher’s seat on the minbar in the Mosque of al-Muʾayyad Shaykh reads: “God we ask of You forgiveness and health and constant strength, O Lord of the Worlds!” (O’Kane 190.31; compare O’Kane 190.32). A similar case is the previously mentioned inscription located on the right side of the preacher’s seat on the minbar in the Mosque of Amīr Taurīzī in Damascus (Fig. 9). These references to the Friday ḫuṭba can be found in inscriptions on examples commissioned during Mamluk rule in both Cairo and the Syrian province. Although in late Mamluk Cairo, a more specific form of referencing the ḫuṭba can be observed, inscribing quotes. Examples of these inscriptions are the popular verses Q 33:56 and 16:90, with the former cited in the introduction and the latter in closing the second ḫuṭba (Dorpmüller, 2005: p. 155) (Fig. 7).18 The latter verse, which ends with the phrase “He teaches you that you may take heed,” can also be interpreted as addressing the audience listening to the ḫuṭba delivered by the ḫaṭīb, which gives this quotation an additional level of meaning.19
The spatial arrangement of these two verses on late Mamluk Cairene minbars also reinforces their frame-like character, with the opening verse Q 33:56 usually appearing on the front of the portals (Fig. 14) and Q 16:90 on the reverse (Fig. 16), as the concluding verse of the second ḫuṭba. By inscribing sections of the ḫuṭba onto the minbar, a direct reference to the ḫuṭba is created, thereby establishing the strongest possible link to the action taking place on the minbar and to its function as the site for the ḫuṭba. The intentional choice of Q 33:56 and 16:90 for the Mamluk minbar is further highlighted by their relative rarity on other Mamluk objects or buildings.20 While verse Q 9:18 appears frequently on these objects,21 Q 16:90 is found only once (Dodd and Khairallah, 1981: vol. 2, p. 68) and Q 33:56 only twice on buildings or building details from the Mamluk period (1981: vol. 2, p. 99).
A minbar in the ʿAṭṭār-Mosque, Tripoli (751/1350), the right flank
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007The use and placement of literal quotations from the ḫuṭba as a combination of Q 33:56 and 16:90 is a widespread practice documented exclusively in late Mamluk Cairo. Nevertheless, other religious inscriptions can also emphasize the minbar as a site of the ḫuṭba. Therefore, an inscription on the side of the minbar in the ʿAṭṭār-Mosque in Tripoli states in the first-person perspective that it is a staircase for the ḫaṭīb (Anā mirqāh li-ḫaṭīb) (Fig. 20). The inscription found on the minbar located in the mosque of the Governor Taġrībirdī min Bašbuġā in Aleppo indicates that the minbar was primarily used for sessions and addresses (ḫiṭāb) about the announcing and warning prophet (bi-ǧumʿa wa ḫiṭāb ʿan rasūl mubaššir wa naḏīr22). Through inscriptions on Mamluk minbars, we see the intentional and symbolic use of Quranic verses and of other religious texts referring to Muslim devotional practice. They do not only serve as a reminder of the sermon’s content but also emphasize the minbar’s centrality within the mosque. Quranic verses cited during the ḫuṭba, including Q 33:56 and 16:90, were chosen specifically to highlight the minbar’s function as a place for preaching the ḫuṭba.
A minbar in the ʿAṭṭār-Mosque, Tripoli (751/1350), a religious inscription on the left flank
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 200710 Inscriptions Designating the Minbar as a Site for Preaching the Mawʿiẓa
The use of the minbar for popular preaching (mawʿiẓa, pl. mawāʿiẓ23) is less well-known than their use for the Friday ḫuṭba. Unlike the Friday sermon, which follows – as we have seen above – precisely prescribed rules, the maǧlis al-waʿẓ is not restricted by time to Friday noon nor by place to a mosque, but can be held flexibly (Swartz, 1983: p. 224). Moreover, the content of the Friday ḫuṭba is prescibed by Islamic law as discussed above, and the maǧlis al-waʿẓ can be organized more flexibly (1983: p. 224; Jones, 2010: p. 19; 2012: p. 9) (Fig. 19). Al-Subkī acknowledges that despite their differences, the requirements for a popular preacher (wāʿiẓ, pl. wuʿāẓ24) are similar to those of a ḫaṭīb (see Rescher, 1980: p. 807 (113). In his manual for market supervisors, Ibn al-Uḫuwwa lists the necessary qualifications for a wāʿiẓ to preach on the minbars of Friday mosques (see Shatzmiller, 1994: pp. 316–7; Jones, 2010: pp. 40–2). However, those who do not meet these requirements are not allowed to preach on the minbar. The reason, according to Ibn al-Uḫuwwa, is that a high level of dignity is necessary to ascend the minbar, which was once climbed by the prophet, the righteous caliphs, and the imams (1938: pp. 65–6; also see Pedersen, 1948: p. 250; Stilt, 2011: p. 59).
During the Mamluk period, written sources confirm that the minbar was used by popular preachers. However, this use is only occasionally mentioned. The Mālikite jurist Ibn al-Ḥāǧǧ (d. 737/1336) makes casual reference to the use of the minbar by obvious wuʿāẓ (see Jones, 2012: p. 181), who preached during Maulid celebrations. For these festivities celebrating the birthday of the prophet, women sat alongside men and boys as part of the audience listening to the male (wāʿiẓ) or female popular preacher (wāʿiẓa) in good faith. These popular preachers would climb the minbar and engage in dramatic gestures, such as swaying, shouting, striking the minbar with their hands or feet, and even moaning and crying hypocritically (Ibn al-Ḥaǧǧ, 1929: vol. 1, p. 16; Pedersen, 1948: p. 249; see the translation in Jones, 2012: p. 182). This behavior was markedly different from that prescribed for a ḫaṭīb on the minbar, whose speech had to be calm and dignified. To guarantee this, he was neither to turn to the left nor to the right (see Ibn al-ʿAṭṭār, 1996: pp. 115–6; Rescher, 1980: p. 806 [112]).
Inscriptions also rarely indicate the use of the minbar by popular preachers. However, the inscriptions on the minbar in the ʿAṭṭār Mosque in Tripoli, attest to their use by popular preachers for popular preaching. The inscription on the right flank indicates that the minbar was intended for the mawāʿiẓ, stating “I am the staircase for a ḫaṭīb (mirqā li-ḫaṭīb) and intended for mawāʿiẓ” (Fig. 20). Meanwhile, the left flank contains an inscription that reads, “so reflect[s] upon me and within yourself, you find every preacher” (Fig. 21). It is important to highlight that these inscriptions refer to both a ḫaṭīb preaching a mawʿiẓa and a wāʿiẓ, indicating that a clear distinction between the ḫaṭīb, who preaches the ḫuṭba, and the wāʿiẓ, who preaches mawāʿiẓ, falls short of the social realities (compare Berkey, 2001: pp. 13–5; Jones, 2012: pp. 158–63).
A minbar in the ʿAṭṭār-Mosque, Tripoli (751/1350), a religious inscription on the right flank
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Image by M. Kuehn, 2007It is worth noting that the style of the inscriptions on this minbar resembles “speaking” vessels or textiles.25 The minbar is depicted as speaking in the first person, as if the words were put into “its mouth.” On the right flank, the minbar speaks in the first-person perspective about its purpose as a staircase for the ḫaṭīb holding mawāʿiẓ. On the left flank, the minbar admonishes the reader in the first-person perspective to pay attention to the preacher and his admonitions. Its content is similar to the last sentence: “He teaches you, so that you may take heed” (Q 16:90). Thus, the inscription on the left flank also refers to the function of the minbar as a stage for preaching, particularly popular preaching, and serves as a consistent conclusion to such preaching. Although writing in the first-person about the function of an object is more commonly found on portable secular or profane objects, namely ceramics, glass, metalwork, and textiles, there are several other exceptions. One exception is an inscription found on a wooden cupboard or curtain of religious origin reported in a written medieval record discovered in the Geniza of the Ben Ezra Synagogue, Fustat (Shalem, 2010: p. 143). Another example is a poetic verse written in the first-person on the marble slab of a šadirwān in the sabīl-maktab of al-Ġaurī’s Complex in Cairo (ʿAbd al-Wahhāb, 1946: vol. 1, p. 294; Juvin, 2017: vol. 1, pp. 239–40). Two additional examples can be found in Merinid Morocco: capitals in the courtyard of the Madrasa al-ʿAttarīn in Fès (723–5/1323–5) (Grubert, 2010: p. 26) and a large chandelier in the Great Mosque of Taza (693/1294) (Terrasse, 1943: p. 13). The decision to use the first-person perspective as a stylistic device on a minbar, more commonly used for profane objects, may be attributed to the fact that the inscription does not pertain to the canonical ḫuṭba, but rather to the more adaptable and less standardized form of mawāʿiẓ.
11 Conclusion
The rich and carefully composed epigraphical program of Mamluk minbars emphasizes their function as a place of preaching in a way that was not found in earlier regional examples or others whose epigraphical program has been examined and interpreted in detail by secondary research.26 These studies primarily focused on individual minbars, which may be attributed to pre-Mamluk examples having been sparsely preserved. Several essays are devoted to Nūr ad-Dīn’s minbar in Jerusalem, addressing its use, transfer, and the intentions of the patron (van Berchem, 1927: vol. 2, pp. 393–402; Auld, 2005; 2009). Their main focus is the political symbolism of the minbar as a sign of power in the context of the Crusades (van Berchem, 1927: vol. 2, 401; Tabbaa, 1986: p. 230; Auld, 2005: p. 42; Blair, 2009: p. 126).
In addition to the political symbolism of the minbar as a sign of authority in the context of the Crusades, Auld emphasizes its religious intention. According to Auld, the minbar was originally designed to serve political and religious functions. She derives from contemporary written sources (2005: p. 42) that the minbar was understood as a religious furnishing piece, a prince’s throne, and a “throne of Solomon” or “judgment seat” (2005: pp. 56–7). Furthermore, she associates the minbar with divine light, partly due to the content of its inscriptions and decoration (2005: pp. 58–9).
Over 60 minbars have been preserved over a large time span and great spatial distance from the Mamluk period. Despite this, they demonstrate a certain pattern in the choice of inscriptions, which is markedly different. The Quranic and other religious inscriptions found on the Mamluk minbar highlight their function as a place for preaching both the ḫuṭba or mawʿiẓa. This is particularly evident in inscriptions on late Mamluk minbars in Cairo that reproduce quotes from the ḫuṭba or “speak” as evidenced by the minbar in the ʿAṭṭār-Mosque, Tripoli, from a first-person perspective about its function as a staircase for the preacher.
As a result, in the case of the minbar, particularly the group of late Mamluk examples quoting parts of the ḫuṭba, their purpose was transformed into an inscription program. Members of the civilian and religious elite possibly developed this program, as has been suggested by Montasser for monumental architecture. Their selection of Quranic verses, in turn, was influenced by oral traditions of the ḫuṭba that they themselves authored and possibly even delivered on the minbar (Montasser, 2009: pp. 209–11, citing Grabar, 1996: p. 63). Already Dodd and Khairallah noted that verses praising God are deemed particularly valuable for the minbar as the site of the Friday sermon, similarly to the miḥrāb, which like the minbar, has a clear function (Dodd and Khairallah, 1981: vol. 1, p. 82). This assessment was enriched and expanded with additional examples within the scope of this article, further Quranic inscriptions were incorporated and analyzed, and other religious inscriptions were examined and included in the analysis as well. They also emphasize the significance of the minbar as a location for religious instruction and guidance and add a further use of the minbar, for mawʿiẓa – a form of preaching that underscores the minbar’s function as a site of preaching.
The presence of inscriptions on the Mamluk minbar throughout the entire period and in all regions referring in one way or the other to preaching is a clear indication that they were designed with this function in mind. The placement of inscriptions on various structural elements of the minbar, e.g., the canopy, flanks, or portal, suggests that the minbar was meant to be a focal point during the delivery of the ḫuṭba and designed to be an important visual element for the audience during the sermon. We were also able to demonstrate that Quranic inscriptions were placed at the most readable location of the minbar, while texts with other religious content when present on the same minbar were smaller and placed in less visible locations, indicating a certain hierarchy among the inscriptions. This reinforces the importance of taking a nuanced and context-specific approach to the study of inscriptions on objects, as it was demonstrated that different types of objects and even parts of the same object may have distinct and intentional inscriptions. In future studies, it also would be of interest to investigate whether the Ottoman minbar continued the tradition of their Mamluk predecessors or developed distinctive features. In addition, the work of the Comité should also be included in the considerations, because they added inscription panels, for example, on the portal of the minbar in the Mosque of Qāḍī Yaḥyā b. ʿAbd al-Razzāq at the Ḫalīǧ, citing Q 33:56 (848/1444–5). This may also contribute to the impression of a certain uniformity in the inscriptions. Overall, this study of the epigraphical program of the Mamluk minbar demonstrated the intricate relationship between religious practice, objects, surrounding architecture, and inscriptions during the Mamluk period, which is a subject requiring further exploration and analysis.
About the Author
Dr. Miriam Kühn is a curator (coins, glass, seals, textiles, wood, and the photographic archives) at the Museum für Islamische Kunst, Berlin. Her main research interests are Mamluk art and material culture, as well as sacred art and its social contexts, with a particular focus on Mamluk minbars.
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Appendix 1: Quranic Verses on the Mamluk Minbar
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Appendix 2: Inscriptions of Religious Content on Mamluk Minbars
Citation: Journal of Material Cultures in the Muslim World 4, 1 (2023) ; 10.1163/26666286-12340039
Notes
I would like to express my gratitude to Carine Juvin for inviting me to present at the conference “Objets inscrits dans le monde islamique: adab, esthétique et interculturalité” in November 2017 and for providing valuable feedback on different drafts of this article emerging from this conference. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their comprehensive and constructive comments on an earlier version of this manuscript. Furthermore I would like to extend my thanks to Claus-Peter Haase for reading and translating some of the inscriptions. This article is based on the author’s doctoral thesis, and readers can find more in-depth discussions on specific topics such as the endowment and use of Mamluk minbars as well as their decoration and structure in Kühn (2019).
Ḫuṭba, pl. ḫuṭab: “an exhortation or admonition [recited by a ḫaṭīb]: a form of words, a discourse, a sermon, a speech, or a harangue, which the ḫaṭīb recites on the pulpit” (Lane 1863–93, s.v. ḫuṭba). See also: EI 2, s.v. khuṭba (Wensingk).
For a focus on congregational mosques, see Loiseau (2012).
For details based on a survey of these minbars completed by the author in Egypt, Israel, Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria between 2006–13, see Kühn (2019). Some of the minbars then preserved in-situ, are today transferred to other places, e.g., the minbar for the Great Mosque of Aleppo or the madrasa for Qāḍī Abū Bakr Ibn Muzhir in Cairo. Others are partly looted, e.g., the example in the madrasa and mausoleum of al-Ašraf Qaitbāy in Cairo.
For a comparison using square Kufic on late Mamluk architecture and artifacts, see Salah al-Din (2023).
The titles on the minbar of Nūr al-Dīn in Hama have been discussed extensively, see Combe (1937: vol. 9, pp. 35–6, nos. 3255–6), Herzfeld (1943: pp. 43–4), Sauvaget (1949: p. 317), Combe (1954: vol. 14, p. 280), and for Jerusalem, see van Berchem (1927, vol. 2, p. 394, no. 277), and Tabbaa (1986: p. 231).
For a similar assessment of inscriptions in the interior of Mamluk religious institutions, see Montasser (2000: chart III.2, chart IV.2).
For a general evaluation, see Behrens-Abouseif (2007: pp. 97–9).
Compare Montasser (2009: pp. 195–7), who surveyed eight categories of Quranic inscription on Cairene religious monuments.
Compare, e.g., “Mā baina baitī wa minbarī rauḍa min riyāḍ l-ǧannati wa minbarī ʿalā ḥauḍī” at the Muslim Students’ Association at the University of Southern California: https://sunnah.com/muslim/15/574 (13.12.2018) ṣaḥīḥ Muslim 1391, Book 15, Hadith 574/USC-MSA web (English) reference: Book 7, Hadith 3206. Hadith Number 435.
See Busse (1988: p. 107), who interprets turʿa as a canal in Paradise.
This tradition is transmitted in several slightly differing versions, e.g., Ibn Ḥanbal (2001: vol. 1, p. 278, no. 126; p. 442, no. 376; p. 489, no. 434; p. 533, no. 506). For further references, see Shokoohy (2013: p. 179, note 48).
For the arkān (obligatory rites) al-ḫuṭba, see Becker (1924: pp. 481–2) and Jones (2012: pp. 71–5).
For the liturgical content of the ḫuṭba, see Jones (2012: pp. 70–86).
Reading and translation by Claus-Peter Haase.
Dodd and Khairallah refer to verse Q 17:80 cited on the minbar of the Great Mosque in Hama, see Combe (1944: vol. 13, pp. 225–6, no. 5136).
Further examples are already mentioned above, e.g., Q 62:9, 22:77, 17:111, 72:18, 8:64.
For the suitability of Q 16:90 on minbars, see Dodd and Khairallah (1981: vol. 1, p. 82).
See Dodd and Khairallah (1981, vol. 1, p. 82), who noticed that an association between the words of the prophet and the sermon held on the minbar by the ḫaṭīb is achieved by the choice of certain verses.
This survey was conducted based on Dodd and Kairallah (1981: vol. 2, p. VII). This analysis is only preliminary because their publication is essentially based on monumental inscriptions published before 1974.
For the use of this verse in architecture, see Dodd and Khairallah (1981: vol. 1, p. 63), Hillenbrand (1986: pp. 173–6), Blair (1998: p. 69), and Montasser (2009: p. 199).
See Herzfeld’s translation (1954: vol. 1, p. 358, no. 209): “… Sa spécialité importante sont les réunions et les discours sur le Prophète …” and Sauvaget’s translation (1950: p. 37): “… Dans la prière en communauté et dans la khotba on y mène le deuil du Prophète, annonciateur de bonnes nouvelles et admoniteur …”; see as well Ibn al-ʿAǧamī (1996: vol. 1, p. 238).
Mawʿiẓa (exhortation, admonition, good advice, counsel) from waʿaẓa “he exhorted him, he admonished him, or warned him or put him in fear,” see Lane 1863–93 (s.v. waʿaẓa).
Wāʿiẓ “one who exhorts, admonishes, warns or puts into fear,” see Lane (1863–93: s.v. wāʿiẓ); for a discussion of the translation as a popular preacher, see Berkey (2001: pp. 4, 13–4), and Jones (2012: p. 160).
For “speaking objects” or the tendency to “animate” objects through the choice and formulation of inscriptions, see Taragan (2005), Shalem (2010: pp. 139–43), and Behrens-Abouseif (2010: pp. 183–4).
Consider the Kutūbīya Mosque in Marrakesh, see Bloom (1998: pp. 14–21), as well as the two minbars endowed by Nūr al-Dīn, see van Berchem (1927), Tabbaa (1986), Hillenbrand (1999: pp. 151–61), and Auld (2005; 2009).
