Abstract
The present study aims to investigate the hijab controversy in Iran based on new materialism approaches and focusing on Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network Theory. It seeks to identify the role of Instagram, especially the Instagram camera, as an active participant in the controversy. The findings of this research, which utilized a “methodological collage” and three-dimensions—observations, document analysis, and interviews—demonstrate that Instagram has successfully “translated” and assimilated users’ goals and interests into its own values and interests, in various forms. Instagram has played a significant role in the hijab controversy by redefining and transforming the users, values, stakeholders, groupings, and other elements involved. We specifically focus on the two opposing groups—the opponents and proponents of the hijab—who form the basis of our study. This controversy is heavily mediated by Instagram itself, leading to the formulation of different action programs within the study.
1 Introduction
The Islamic hijab for women in Iran is a strict rule that has always been a controversial issue. In the summer and fall of 2022, it led to one of the most extensive contemporary social movements in this country, which ultimately led to the death and imprisonment of many young people. Therefore, the phenomenon of hijab and the social debates in Iranian society has evolved into one of the most crucial social issues in recent years, exerting a powerful influence on various aspects of society, politics, culture, migration, and social changes. While initially tied to issues of inequality and women’s rights, the activists involved have extended beyond just women, engaging a wide range of social groups, including both men and women, the young and the old, and even adolescents. Despite the extensive research conducted on the connection between social networks, specifically Instagram, and the concept of Islamic hijab, as well as women’s exploration of identity, body, clothing, and its transformations in regions such as Iran (e.g., Khoshkhooei et al., 2013; Nemati Far & Safouraei Parizi, 2019; Bicharanlou et al., 2022), and among Muslims globally, even in secular countries (e.g., Macdonald, 2006; Hopkins & Greenwood, 2013; Choi et al., 2021; Syahrivar, 2021), the majority of these studies have primarily approached this subject with the fundamental belief that social networks are merely a tool used by the agency of humans.
Consequently, these studies have neglected to thoroughly examine the intricate assemblage between social networks and individuals and the gradual dissolving of the binary boundaries that separate the human from the nonhuman.
The approaches known as more-than-human and new materialism can be considered “post-human” and “post-human centered,” despite their differences and variations (Braidotti, 2013, p. 86). In this regard, the place of objects, technology, nature, and humans should be analyzed and recognized in an assemblage because, according to these approaches, all social phenomena are created in interaction and communication. In addition, boundaries and dualities such as society/nature, human/non-human, structure/agency, etc. no longer have meaning because the world is considered as a pluralistic entity in which all these elements are interrelated. This approach helps the researcher to understand and to discover the relationships between the elements, and not fall into reductionism and avoid giving priority and centrality to each. Bruno Latour (2005) is considered one of the most important thinkers in the Actor-Network Theory (ant), emphasizing the interaction between humans, nature, and technology. This research is particularly grounded in his views, approaches, and generally more-than-human perspectives.
The evolution of camera technology can be broadly categorized into two distinct eras: the analog camera era and the digital camera era. The shift from analog to digital has significantly altered the functionality and capabilities of cameras. Within the digital era, we can identify two major waves of development. The first wave features dvr cameras, which allow for extended image recording. The second wave represents the integration of information technology (it) and internet protocol (ip), enabling data transmission across the internet and various data networks (Weaver & Lahtinrn, 2011) This interplay between cameras and other technologies is framed by Actor-Network Theory (ant), which suggests that the interactions and coexistence of diverse entities create new forms of agency that transcend their individual characteristics (Latour, 1996, 2005).
By certain cognitive method recommendations, this study employed three concurrent tools—observation, interview, and document analysis. Our research delves into the methods through which Instagram has been successful in translating its objectives and interests for human agents, while conversely, human agents have also translated their interests to align with Instagram’s goals. This study aims to identify and describe these methods of interest translation, negotiations, agency, and more with the active involvement of participants.
In light of the outlined importance of this study, our research seeks to investigate the role of Instagram’s mediation in discussions about the hijab. Specifically, we aim to answer the question of how the camera of Instagram has influenced the goals and interests of hijab users, as well as the controversies surrounding it, and what effects other agencies have had on Instagram.
2 ant and Its Key Concepts
Bruno Latour (2005) is known as one of the leading thinkers in the field of Science and Technology Studies (sts). Callon et al. (1986), developed a new approach to studying scientific, technical, cultural, and political innovations, called Actor-Network Theory (ant). The main concern of these thinkers is to provide a new understanding of how innovations, particularly scientific and technical ones, are shaped or constructed. In a nutshell, they seek to recognize the role and agency of both humans and nonhuman actors in these innovations simultaneously. They are deeply influenced by William James (1996), Gabriel Tarde (1999), who is considered an father of ant (Latour, 2002), Gilles Deleuze (1972, 1987), and Michel Serres (1974).
The influence of ant on the field of social sciences is profound, as it has introduced a wide range of concepts and terminologies. In this article, we will focus on the key concepts derived from ant that have been extensively utilized. By presenting these pivotal notions, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of this theory.
2.1 Actors and Networks
The two concepts, “actor” and “network,” are essential for understanding ant. As mentioned, Latour (2005) did not limit actors to just humans; he considered both human and nonhuman heterogeneous actors (Zahrani et al., 2021). Therefore, he borrowed the term “actant” from Greimas (1966) to give the concept of “actor” a more-than-human dimension. An actant can act like an actor, but the difference is that it requires (some)thing or a task to be the origin of the action (Latour, 1996a, p. 374). These actors (actants) participate in different networks. We can summarize the properties of networks as follows:
- 1.Distance does not matter in a network; it is not important where a person connects from within the network. If someone is connected to the network, it implies proximity, and if they are not connected, it implies distance (Latour, 1996a, p. 3).
- 2.Networks are not categorized as larger or smaller than one another. What matters is the strength and interconnection of the networks.
- 3.Network boundaries do not exist. Similar to Deleuze’s (1972, 1987) theory of rhizome, networks are multiple associations that exist in different worlds. Association or non-association with the network determines whether something is within or outside the network.
- 4.Actor and network are inseparable, erasing the boundaries between agency and structure or individual and society. Everything is part of a unified whole (Latour, 1999b, p. 19). Every network can be seen as an actor, and every actor can be seen as a network (Latour et al., 2012, p. 3).
- 5.When an actor becomes part of an association, it can be said that they enter a network because their actions can change and transform that association. Even a small addition to a sentence can alter its meaning (Sharifzadeh, 2018, pp. 82–86).
2.2 Collective Construction
Latour (1996a) proposed an alternative interpretation of constructivism, emphasizing the influence of thinkers like Kuhn (1962) and Bloor (1999). Both of them argued that chaotic realities should be structured through a constructivist lens. Latour contended that individuals should not be confined by rigid categories such as society, or paradigm. Instead, he advocated for a direct engagement with reality, free from these conceptual constraints. He argued that humans, as active participants, should interact with both human and nonhuman actors without the limitations imposed by societal or cognitive frameworks (Latour, 1996a, pp. 89–90). Consequently, while Latour acknowledged the importance of reconstructing reality, he emphasized that this construction is inherently collective, shaped by the interactions between human and nonhuman entities, rather than being solely the domain of human scientists.
2.3 The Black Box
According to ant, everything, from a scientific theory (such as the theory of relativity), a machine (diesel engine), and a building to a smart device, such as a camera or mobile phone, can act like a black box. A black box is something that no longer needs to be reconsidered (Collen & Latour, 1981, p. 285). Therefore, there is no discussion on how and why it is formed. If the black box is decoded, the paths of construction, including discussions, conflicts, intermediaries, and “translations” are identified.
2.4 Translation
The translation is one of the most important concepts of ant and was borrowed from Michel Serres (1974). It indicates that actors, in a network, should be united and connected to survive and gain more power. Therefore, they negotiate with each other, which is performed in various forms that are called “translation,” and the actors try to get their interests close to others’ (Latour, 1987, p. 117). Latour (1987) argued for various forms of translation, which are studied in the present paper in detail.
3 Method
The primary more-than-human approach, particularly the ant, is the ethnographic method for this project (Berry, 2011, p. 48). Other notable researchers in the field, such as Latour (Latour & Woolgar, 1979), Mol (2002), and recently Lupton (2020), have also employed this method; albeit with a critical perspective towards its conventional form. This more-than-human approach directs observers to examine the functioning of “technical-social networks,” and encourages researchers to “follow” the key actors, utilizing specific techniques for interviewing them (Latour, 2005, pp. 21–49). In this study, the ethnographic method is also employed, with a focus on investigating the technical-human capabilities of news within the field of Instagram. In more-than-human approaches, methodological tools can be employed based on the ontological nature of these approaches (new materialism and the ant), regardless of their paradigmatic dimensions.1 Therefore, the necessity of this research has led us to present a methodological collage and to take into account the appropriate methodological models and recommendations in this field. Sade-Beck (2004) and MacLeod et al. (2019) have made significant contributions to these areas, providing a model that incorporates observation, document analysis, and interviews. Additionally, this study draws upon the suggestions of Lugosi and Quinton (2018), which complement the well-established Netnography method by Kozinets (2010) and link it with more-than-human approaches. Furthermore, interviewing methods in more-than-human studies (socio-material) possess distinct characteristics, whereby interviewees are exposed to material aspects, objects, technology, and news. It is also essential for the researcher to actively participate in the interview process, being directly involved with the interviewees and the aforementioned materials and objects. Therefore, the suggestions of Niemimaa (2014) and Macleod et al. regarding interviewing methods in more-than-human studies will also be integrated, as will Lupton’s (2020) digital data collection suggestions (Zahrani et al., 2024). Table 1 shows the methods used in this collage (Zahrani et al., 2022).
The population of interviewees consisted of 16-to-50-year-old females who were active on Instagram. They had contradictory and polar attitudes towards hijab, or had changed their style of hijab during their time on Instagram. In this study, the interviews were performed with 11 veiled women, 16 female opponents of the hijab, and three experts (one legal expert, one it expert, and one expert in virtual space). For a total of 30 participants. The participants were selected by using the purposive sample method, and some were also selected using the snowball method as the interviewees suggested other people with whom to speak. Using active observation, which was first non-participatory and then changed to a participatory observation, eight main hashtags on the hijab controversy and related issues were selected, studied, and analyzed for three years. The interviews began with two distinct perspectives on the hijab controversy (according to supporters and opposition), and ultimately revealed shared opinions and ideas. These findings will be discussed in detail in the following sections.
4 Findings
4.1 Commonalities of the Two Ends of the Spectrum
4.1.1 Understanding and Necessities
One of the important issues in this study was the individuals’ perspective and understanding of the necessity and importance of the hijab. However, because each group (proponents and opponents of the hijab) adopted divergent approaches towards this issue, we meticulously crafted and executed our interview questions in distinct manners.
As supporters believed, the hijab has two main functions: (1) the intrinsic and personal function of the hijab (stability, peace, and privacy) that was based on personal interests, aesthetics, and the beauty of the hijab; and (2) the social function that focuses on the family, culture, living environment (city or village), and the social context. However, on the opposite end of the debate, people have modified the necessities and functions of the hijab and associated them with new patterns. This means that if certain patterns of the hijab emphasized “covering the hair” as more important, individuals have adapted them to focus more on covering the body rather than just the hair. Therefore, it can be said that both sides of the debate believed in the necessity of the hijab, but their implementation in manner, importance, and types were different. Another commonality was the belief in hijab as “personal privacy.”
Another point is that the first group (supporters of hijab) expressed certainty about the necessity of the personal aspect of hijab and had no doubts about this matter during their interviews. However, when they were interviewed about the social aspect of hijab, its legality, and compulsion, they voiced doubts. The second group (opponents of hijab) questioned the personal aspect of hijab and firmly believed in the unnecessity of the social aspects.
4.1.2 Decoding the Black Box of the Hijab Controversy on Instagram
Another shared reality between the two ends of the debate spectrum is presented under two categories: in the first group as “decoding the black box of hijab through the Instagram camera” and in the second group as “criticism of agencies about hijab on Instagram.” The first group believed that the duality is beyond the issue of hijab, and is more of a class-religious duality with roots in politics and people who favor the governmental politics. Those in opposition use the issue of hijab, in a confrontation and duality, as an excuse for their goals. Therefore, the hijab is known as a symbol of a special class (supporters of the governmental politics) in this network and has exacerbated between different groups of society
I think the last post I added was a criticism about the issue that the opponents of hijab believed that the increase in the death rate of covid-19 has been due to the attendance of the people in religious ceremonies, and the other group (the religious people) believed that it has been due to taking part in parties and traveling to the north of Iran! and each group criticized the other. These two groups have always been quarreling on Instagram; somehow it can be said that the arguments have been between the supporters and opponents of the hijab.
Such controversy has no benefit for ordinary people, and the main benefits are for the political parties. They encourage that woman for her courage, but now she’s in prison, who can help her and hear her words? So, I think the main aim behind such behavior is political.
Additionally, the two sides of the debate shared an understanding of hijab as related to other non-religious purposes and making links to other networks, such as the makeup and fashion industry network, which was of great importance for both groups. They emphasized this matter from the position that the fashion industry, clothing, and business have played a very critical role in making the hijab controversy. This point of view was studied by observations and document analysis.
Another point is the technical tricks, tactics, and capacities of Instagram, which were criticized by the members of both groups. These elements could play an important role in the hijab controversy. In the first group, some participants mentioned the influence of the Instagram visual effects and camera as well as the algorithm of this network, which is most evident in the explore page. All of these elements have the same goal—making people’s interests and appearance similar to each other. Another point is that Instagram, like many similar networks and due to its special capabilities and interests (through pictures and camera), is used for news and communication. Thus, it has translated goals and interests in favor of its own goals and interests. The news is mainly dependent on photos and the agency of the camera that can easily transform and even distort the reality of the news. Using photos and cameras, as strong witnesses, can increase the importance and credibility of the news. However, the news can sometimes be fake.
Therefore, concerning the hijab controversy, it can be said that decoding Instagram as a black box can reveal elements and agencies that can be helpful and important in subsequent analyses. The communication between the actors, as well as the translation processes between agencies, has led to a failure in understanding and in analyzing the realities and the main cause of this controversy. However, the study of other network trends in these interviews helped us to understand some of these negotiations, communications, and translations, as the elements that were shared from the perspectives of the two sides of the debate.
4.1.3 Bidirectional Translation of Hijab and Instagram
Despite the differences both sides of the debate believed that some social distinctions and boundaries have been diminished on Instagram. For example, the first group believed there is no class boundary on Instagram, and that Instagram has had agency in assimilating social classes in this network and has directed people to choose similar physical and intellectual interests. Instagram has also encouraged people to be “seen.” Indeed, the visual capabilities of Instagram translate users’ goals to be more visible. This is achieved by the importance of being viewed and liked; therefore, users try to share images with more visual capabilities.
On the other hand, there were themes in the interviews with the opponents of hijab that revealed the agency of the Instagram camera to diminish the boundaries between oneself and others. According to audiences, the Instagram camera is the eye of the observer. In other words, people consider it as an observer that monitors their actions and behaviors. It is also regarded as a sighted eye, or that people see themselves as observer and monitor of others’ actions and behavior through their Instagram cameras. Another issue discussed by opponents of hijab was the importance and position of followers who can exchange their interests with actors’ interests or translate them for actors. Therefore, actors try to produce and share pictures and content to achieve the goal of having more followers. This idea is highlight in Haleh’s comment:
The Instagram camera has a determining role because it gives us the third eye and is an observing eye. Indeed, it is not an unbiased eye. It shows and sees. It has a close association with our bodies. Thus, such communication, not only increases our visual understanding, but since it is related to other worlds, such as the capital market, it can change everything.
4.1.4 Changes in Clothing, Appearance, and Hijab through Instagram
Participants on both sides of the debate believed that Instagram has made changes in their clothing. According to the supporters of hijab, some positive changes in veiled people’s clothing can be observed through the use of Instagram. For example, they pointed to “dressing stylishly” and paid more attention to their appearance as well as the use of lighter colors by veiled women who are professional Instagram users. Opponents of hijab believed that the Instagram camera has made changes by increasing their confidence and courage to protest. However, some negative experiences have led people to be more cautious and afraid and thus they are more careful to share their photos with others on Instagram, imposing some restrictions on themselves. Nonetheless, the Instagram camera has made changes in people’s appearance in both groups, although the types of changes are completely different.
This point about changes in their appearance is interesting and very important considering the age range of participants, which included the women 16 to 50 years old. Individuals who were in older age groups but were professional influencers on Instagram, like “Nasrin,” reported these changes. Researchers similarly noted them through observation of participant pages and user trends.
4.1.5 Identifying the Stakeholders
Tracking and identifying stakeholders related to hijab on Instagram held significant importance for both groups, and they also shared certain commonalities. The pro-hijab group identified stakeholders including networks from the fashion, marketing, and garment industries. This emphasis on stakeholders was also noted within the second group. In fact, both groups exhibited a considerable degree of shared perception in their identification of stakeholders. The tracking of these networks on Instagram can reveal the position and power of these networks and related people (Figure 1).
The agency of fashion industry as a stakeholder in hijab controversies
Citation: Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 14, 1 (2025) ; 10.1163/21659214-14010001
Additionally, both groups had similar typologies of the people involved in the hijab controversy and issues. They noted that groups of traditional-religious people who act independently of politics have personal and social concerns about the hijab. Another group included people with political interests who deal with the hijab issue as part of their politics and job. This group was viewed as stakeholders having other purposes than those who are traditional-religious. This point was also discussed by the first group and they seriously emphasized understanding of the boundaries, and some pointed out that they have made efforts to show such boundaries.
Moreover, both groups (supporters and opposition) believed that political groups on both ends of the controversy were the main stakeholders and actors of the debate. They argued that foreign individuals protest in complete safety, and only provoke the actors inside the country without considering the consequences that may happen to them.
4.1.6 Pendulum; Moderation and Minimal Act and Self-Limitation
Both groups gradually gravitated towards moderation and constraint over time. However, the forms and manifestations of this moderation varied significantly between the two groups. For instance, among the supporters of the hijab, we observed self-censorship, indecisiveness, a lack of decisive action, and a general inertia regarding discussions about the hijab. These moderating behaviors stemmed from various factors. Nonetheless, the primary reason cited for self-censorship and the absence of direct, immediate engagement or commentary on this issue was the contradictory and derogatory discourse surrounding the hijab on Instagram, particularly directed at themselves as proponents of hijab. They believed that the stakeholders (previously mentioned) wield considerable influence in this context.
At first, I posted my pictures on social media out of curiosity and used to share some posts against hijab rules …, but after a while, I ultimately limited my followers to like-minded individuals, because I found it could be problematic for my future job status.
We developed a conceptual model (Figure 2), drawing on the observations made regarding the six shared characteristics between the two groups, which are mentioned above, and taking into account the mediation and impact of the Instagram camera.
The commonalities: mediation of The Instagram camera in translating the hijab controversy
Citation: Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 14, 1 (2025) ; 10.1163/21659214-14010001
4.2 Various Methods of Translation of the Hijab Controversy by the Instagram Camera
Latour (1987) refers to five main translation methods that occur among actors, which we will further examine with research data.
4.2.1 The First Translation Method: “Same Goals” (I Want What You Want)
In this method, the actor network A intends to reach goal X, but since it cannot achieve it by itself, it tries to show that its goal is the same as that of B (Latour, 1987, pp.108–121). Instagram has some main goals that convince other actors that their goals are the same as its goals. For example, one of Instagram’s goals is that it is visual and camera-centered (as is evident in its logo). Therefore, it convinces many actors that they have the same goals as it does, which is observed in the aims of many news and content. They are visually important and intend to achieve the same Instagram goals—to be viewed and liked as much as possible. In addition, marketing, which is another main goal of Instagram, is placed in an assemblage to achieve the same visual goal. In general, everything with more visual features is used as if all actors have had the same goal from the beginning.
The camera leads the hijab controversy toward content and news with higher visual value. In other words, the news or content determines that its goal is the same as the camera (Figure 3) Therefore, if changes have been made among supporters of hijab, such as the use of different colors, being stylish, and using brands (as extracted from observations and interviews), such changes have been according to Instagram interests and goals to make all goals the same (Figure 4)
Showing the boldness of compulsory hijab opponents as influenced by Instagram camera
Citation: Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 14, 1 (2025) ; 10.1163/21659214-14010001
Showing the support of hijab as influenced by Instagram visual interests
Citation: Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 14, 1 (2025) ; 10.1163/21659214-14010001
This type of translation can be observed in having more “views” and attracting more “followers.” Indeed, attracting followers is one of the main methods to achieve other goals, such as business, in this network. Therefore, many users (especially on public and working pages) prefer to attract more followers. In other words, one of Instagram’s goals, that of being viewed and followed more, is the same goal of users who use the same methods of presenting news and contents. In this regard, it can be said that a shared goal can justify the method and ways of achieving it.
4.2.2 The Second Method of Translation: I Want It, Why Don’t You?
When A’s interests cannot be translated to B’s, the second method is used. A tries to show that its goal is more valuable and important than B’s and, thus, makes efforts to persuade B to abandon its goal and align with A’s goal (Latour, 1987, pp.108–121).
As mentioned in the previous method of translation about the changes in people’s hijab and clothing through the use of the Instagram camera, the supporters of hijab, who have been persuaded to put on lighter and brand clothes, were reluctant to use such colors but Instagram translated its goal to them and reminded them they can want what it wants. Or, in the group of hijab opponents, the Instagram camera has persuaded users to use it in situations such as confronting someone who warns them about their hijab, while they might have no idea to resist. The camera has imposed the goals of identification, monitoring, and others on users. Thus, users follow Instagram’s goals by having a smartphone and installing the application.
Another feature that professionally works based on this method is the technical capability of the Instagram algorithm. Indeed, the function of the Instagram algorithm represents the same method of translation. If one of my followers likes and views a content, a page, or a subject, the Instagram algorithm shows the same content to the other users. Thus, it can be said that when the user likes a page or content, it is implied that “I like it, what about you?” Many of the users of both groups repeatedly emphasized that they intentionally preferred not to follow the contents of the hijab controversy, but they unintentionally have the same contents in their explorer part and are, therefore, familiar with the controversy and subjects.
4.2.3 The Third Method of Translation: If You Just Make a Short Detour
Sometimes, A cannot completely persuade B to abandon its goal. Therefore, through a “negotiation,” it tries to persuade B to make a short detour to achieve the goal. According to Latour (1987), A says to B: you cannot directly achieve your goal, but if you follow my way, you will achieve it sooner, my way is a shortcut (p. 111).
One of the cases related to this type of translation is the position of stakeholders, groups, and actors who take advantage of this method. Many networks and pages that deal with the hijab controversy are either political actors with the main political goals to change and transform governing rules, or those involved in marketing. Indeed, such people (political or marketing activists) make deviations from their way (Latour, 1987) and take advantage of the hijab controversy to achieve their marketing and political goals.
4.2.4 The Fourth Method: Reshuffling Interests and Goals
This method consists of five tactics.
4.2.4.1 The First Tactic: Displacing Goals
Translation of interests is easier if the goal of an actor-network is defined in a different way (Latour, 1987, pp.108–121). In the Instagram network, this tactic is used in different forms concerning the hijab issue, and it can be found in different forms in analyses, interviews, and documents. Consider that many betting, business, fashion, clothing, and marketing sites have specific goals, mainly making more money. To achieve this goal, they need more followers and views—a larger audience means more customers. As shown in a detailed analysis, these sites reshuffled their goals in response to the hijab issue. They provided news and controversy about the hijab. For example, they present the actors’ and celebrities’ unveiling or the use of women’s bodies in various ways as marketing has done for a long time. This tactic continues until the goal is completely transformed and another goal is pursued, or the primary and other goals are simultaneously pursued.
4.2.4.2 The Second Tactic: Inventing New Goals
In this tactic, creativity is needed to invent a new goal. From the perspective of the researcher, many campaigns and hashtags use this tactic of translation. Regarding the hijab controversy, various creativities were formed on Instagram based on its goal, which has invented a new goal. For example, there is a hashtag “our camera, our weapon” in which In this hashtag, the camera—particularly the Instagram camera—is conceptualized as a weapon. Women who, due to their lack of hijab, receive admonishments from supporters of hijab in public spaces such as streets, subways, buses, and other venues, utilize the act of filming and broadcasting on Instagram, either through regular posts or Instagram’s live, as a means of self-defense. In this context, the Instagram camera serves as a protective tool in their struggle, with all these videos being disseminated under this particular hashtag. In fact, as evidenced by this ongoing process, a novel objective has been established for the camera. This aligns precisely with the second tactic proposed by Latour (1987) in his translation methods, namely the concept of “investing new goal”.
4.2.4.3 The Third Tactic: Inventing New Groups
Sometimes it is impossible to invent a new goal without inventing new groups. In the present study, there were many new classes and groups in the interviews, documents, and analyses. For example, many believed that the veil is directly related to politics has invented important groups to realize the goals of such controversy. According to the participants, unlike traditional or “real” religious groups, these groups do not genuinely prioritize the hijab; instead, they exploit it for various political agendas. These groups have been labeled with names such as “connected groups,” “Basij,” and “Fati commandos.” Participants believe that the government has created these factions to instigate controversy surrounding the hijab in order to further its political objectives. Many participants, including those who wear the hijab, feel that this manipulation has led to increased contradictions and heightened debates regarding the hijab issue. However, they argue that the hijab itself is not the root cause of these controversies and challenges. However, there are other opponent groups and oppositions that are involved with the hijab controversy, from the well-know “feminists” position to “girls of Enghelab2 Street,” or shared categories of “veiled people,” and “unveiled people.” Despite the concrete concept, The different meanings of hijab in Iran and on Instagram, or other networks, indicate that such groups, or the focus on these groups, is intended to translate political and social goals. Yet, participants introduced even more groupings, which added other categories to the existing ones, such as “Basiji veiled women,” “connected veiled women,” “traditional veiled women,” “Instagram veiled women,” “open-minded veiled women,” and categories such as “feminist unveiled women,” and “overseas opponents.”
The emergence of new boundaries and innovative group formations offers us novel perspectives on translation. For example, the first group, which advocates for the hijab, has introduced classifications such as “connected hijabers,” “spiritual hijabers,” and “traditional hijabers.” Their goal is to challenge the narrow portrayal of hijabers as merely inappropriate or politically motivated figures, highlighting that this representation only reflects a small segment of the diverse community of hijab supporters. They stress the importance of acknowledging these distinctions and aim to “translate” their interests, ideas, and perspectives by establishing new categories that better represent their multifaceted identities.
4.2.4.4 The Fourth Tactic: Rendering the Detour Invisible
In this type of tactic, A does not explicitly express a desire to change B’s goals; instead, A suggests that if B wants to achieve its objectives, the most effective strategy is tactic X (Latour, 1987, p. 116). This approach is particularly relevant in the realm of social media, where most platforms, including Instagram, primarily pursue financial and political goals. For instance, Instagram encourages users to “become an influencer,” accumulate “more likes and views,” and attract a larger following to attain these goals. As a result, many users on Instagram, driven by political, social, and financial aspirations, engage in various tactics to boost their follower count and enhance their influencer status.
This dynamic helps explain the prevalence of seemingly unrelated topics under popular hashtags like “compulsory hijab” and “white Wednesdays”. During our monitoring of these hashtags, we observed an intriguing phenomenon: unrelated posts—ranging from home furniture promotions to ordinary selfies of men—were being shared alongside them. These posts had no conceptual or functional connection to the hashtags, yet users continued to attach them to their content.
According to Latour (1987, p. 116), users are encouraged to adopt tactic X to achieve their objectives, often overlooking the deeper roots and intentions behind their actions. Instead, they become fixated on the superficial metrics of success that Instagram promotes, such as follower count and visibility, which ultimately obscures the underlying goals and motivations that initially inspired their engagement.
4.2.4.5 The Fifth Tactic: Winning Trials of Attribution
In previous tactics, as clear and explicit interests and objectives fade away, deviations from established paths become imperceptible, leading to an increase in the power of connections and associations. All actors come to feel that they share a singular path along with common interests and goals. However, this perception ultimately becomes a liability rather than an asset. The position and significance of each actor become unclear, leaving it ambiguous who the importers and recipients are, allowing any participant to claim responsibility for the trajectory. Therefore, it is essential to redefine the path, and engage in negotiations, translation tactics, and so forth to attribute responsibility for the trajectory to one or several specific actors. Consequently, according to Latour, we must distinguish between these two mechanisms: in the first mechanism (encompassing all previous translation methods and tactics), we sought to align the interests and goals of others with our own and integrate them into the trajectory; however, in this mechanism, we aim to differentiate and identify the primary responsible party for the trajectory (Latour, 1993: 119).
This distinction is particularly significant in the context of the debates surrounding hijab among the two opposing groups: supporters and opponents of the practice. When the hijab debates peaked and evolved into a social and political issue, manifesting through civil protests, it became exceedingly confusing to delineate responsibilities among groups, networks, agents, and key stakeholders. Were the groups within the spectrum of hijab opponents—such as women’s rights advocates and political feminists—primarily responsible for bridging interests and translating the interests of other actors? Or were there other actors within this opposition, who had broader interests beyond hijab and women’s rights, including various political networks, marketing groups, and beauty brands, that played a pivotal role in directing the trajectory (Latour, 1987: 119)? On the other hand, among the supporters of hijab, which group or groups bore the responsibility for this translation process? Were it the political factions aligned with the government, religiously observant individuals who were non-political, or even Instagram influencers promoting hijab styles? Thus, Latour (P: 119) argues that to gain a clearer understanding of the translation process, we must re-examine these pathways and analyze the methods and techniques of translation to better identify the principal responsible parties.
4.2.5 The Fifth Method: Becoming Indispensable
In this method of translation, contrary to previous translation methods, the competitor, who previously tried to persuade others to join the program from a position of weakness, is now perceived as inevitable by others. Consequently, individuals willingly engage in the program without any coercion, gravitating towards the competitor’s interests.
In its early days, Instagram made a concerted effort to promote itself as a visual and camera-centered platform, encouraging users to embrace visual content as a primary means of communication and to achieve their personal goals. However, as the platform has grown and the number of users has surged, having an Instagram account has become almost a necessity. Consequently, Instagram no longer feels the need to justify its push for users to adopt specific strategies for success, such as posting visually appealing photos to garner more engagement. Similarly, users have come to understand that they must navigate the platform’s visual landscape to effectively express their views, particularly in discussions surrounding contentious issues like the hijab controversy. They recognize that utilizing Instagram’s visual tactics is essential for achieving their objectives, and this has become an integral part of their interaction on the platform (Zahrani et al., 2022). Thus, Instagram’s influence in shaping users’ acceptance of its visual goals is evident, as users adapt to and leverage these strategies to validate their claims and engage with broader conversations.
4.3 Agencies of the Instagram Camera in the Hijab Controversy
Ten “agencies” of the Instagram camera regarding the hijab controversy were extracted from interviews with both groups as well as from documentary data and observations. They are presented in the following sections.
4.3.1 The Agency of the Camera in the Disappearance of Social Class Borders
The Instagram camera has disappeared social class borders and physical differences in its network; but how? A camera can certainly reflect a part of reality. Many people portray the beautiful and satisfactory part of their lives. This has made social class borders unclear and ambiguous, so much so that the boundaries between social classes disappear on Instagram. In addition, individuals constantly try to reflect realities in a different form through filters suggested by Instagram or their mobile phones. The standardization of appearances, whether in lifestyle manifestation, clothing, or other aspects, has increasingly made it difficult to recognize and distinguish class boundaries. Although the consumption of certain cultural goods and the embodiment of specific tastes can largely serve as indicators of social classification and stratification (Bourdieu, 1984), these boundaries are becoming increasingly blurred due to social networks, particularly Instagram (Bauman, 2007). Instagram and its associated actors have managed to align and translate users’ interests with their own.
4.3.2 The Agency of the Camera in Disappearing the Border between Self and Others
Another agency of the Instagram camera is the potential to disappear the border between self and others, according to this study’s data, interviews, and documents. As explained earlier, the Instagram camera is both the eye of an observer (other, object) and a sighted eye (self, subject). That is, as the person can be observed and monitored by others, s/he can observe and monitor others. Concerning the hijab controversy on Instagram, it is observed that individuals, both the supporters and the opposition, used their cameras to observe, leading to the disappearance of borders between self and other. Similarly, as others can influence someone by sharing their photos and videos, a person can influence others by showing his/her clothing, lifestyle, interests, and entertainment. This fluidity is facilitated by the Instagram camera’s capability resonate with broader audiences, thereby blurring the lines between individual identities and collective experiences. The Instagram camera not only showcases the lives of others but also serves as a medium for self-representation to those very others. Moreover, it simultaneously observes and monitors these others, resulting in the dissolution of boundaries and an intricate entanglement (Barad, 2007) of the self and the other, as well as a reconfiguration of their interrelations.
4.3.3 The Agency of the Camera in Intensifying and Accelerating Controversy
Another finding of this study is that the association between the camera and Instagram has facilitated and accelerated controversy. A person can take a video of a conflict or quarrel and immediately share it with others on Instagram.
As mentioned, the relationship between digital cameras and social media, which was considered in the foundational structure and purpose of Instagram, has facilitated the conditions for the expansion of these discussions. A person can take a video of a conflict or quarrel and immediately share it with others on Instagram. Consequently, the agency of this new type of camera, referred to in this research as the “Instagram camera,” has played a significant role in these debates and discussions.
4.3.4 The Agency of the Camera in Assemblage with the Rules
The rules and regulations surrounding the hijab, along with the ideologies that underpin them, have significantly intensified the ongoing controversy, as noted by participants from both sides of the debate. Recently, there has been increased scrutiny regarding the presence, application, and methods of using cameras to capture images and videos in the context of hijab enforcement. Many politicians, policymakers, and citizens have come to view cameras as credible witnesses in this matter. For instance, in the spring of 2022, Iranian police announced that text messages sent to women who were found unveiled in private and public vehicles would require a “visual” document, such as photographs taken by traffic cameras. This means that traffic cameras are expected to capture images of women not adhering to hijab regulations, allowing the police to take action against them. This indicates a broad consensus across various groups that cameras are essential and can serve as reliable witnesses.
However, there exists a significant contradiction in the laws governing camera use in relation to hijab enforcement. On one hand, recording and sharing images and videos of hijab-related disputes—especially on social media platforms like Instagram—is deemed a criminal offense. On the other hand, the Iranian government actively encourages its supporters to film women who do not comply with hijab regulations and submit this footage as evidence to the police or other authorities for potential action.
This conflicting approach, coupled with the use of surveillance cameras in public spaces to monitor hijab violations, has further escalated tensions surrounding the issue. While both supporters and opponents of the hijab law emphasize the reliability of video evidence, the government selectively employs this notion to advance its own agenda regarding hijab enforcement in Iran. Consequently, women whose images are captured without their consent for not adhering to hijab regulations find themselves unable to file complaints under the current legal framework.
4.3.5 The Agency of the Camera in Assemblage with Human Life
Another manifestation of the camera’s agency highlighted in this study is its pervasive presence in all aspects of human life. Participants conveyed a sense of inescapability regarding the omnipresence of cameras in their daily experiences, spanning from domestic settings to professional environments and from urban landscapes to private moments. They expressed the belief that, in any situation—whether at a social gathering or a concert—individuals could inadvertently find themselves captured by someone else’s camera, with the potential for those images to be shared widely on platforms like Instagram. This phenomenon, combined with the prevalence of surveillance cameras in public spaces such as cities, workplaces, roadways, and public transportation systems, underscores the complex intertwining of human life with the camera.
4.3.6 The Agency of the Camera in the Representation of the Police
Another aspect of the camera’s agency, which was considered in various parts of the study, is its use by the police. The police have positioned the camera as a representative of their authority. Latour (1999) argued that objects can hold meaning. For example, a speed bump, which the police use to stop or slow down vehicles, conveys a message without the use of signs. Although the speed bump serves as a representative of the police, performing a specific task, it is, according to Latour (2005, p. 39), not merely an “intermediary” but a “mediator” that can influence the goals of drivers and even those of the police. While the police can enforce the law for eight hours a day, speed bumps operate continuously, 24 hours a day. Drivers may choose to defy the police, but they must slow down for the ever-present speed bump. In this way, the police have transformed into a different form—represented by the speed bump. The police can be absent yet still exert influence (Latour, 1999, p. 138). Therefore, the speed bump not only acts as a representative of law enforcement but also introduces variations in the intensity and manifestations of that objective.
The camera plays a similar role in the hijab controversy. To fulfill its new duty of confronting those who unveil, the police use cameras as their representatives. However, the camera is not just an intermediary; it is a mediator with the potential to change and adapt. The camera does not merely serve the objectives of the police; rather, it alters the form, intensity, and manner of those objectives. Consequently, this transformation compels the actors involved in this subject to modify their aims, actions, and practices, which differ significantly from those encountered in direct confrontations with cultural policing and issues surrounding veiling.
4.3.7 The Agency of the Camera in the Representation of Witnesses and Documents
One of the key findings from our research is the recognition of the camera as a credible witness in the context of activism. Our observations indicate that people tend to trust news more when it is accompanied by relevant images or videos. This trend suggests that visual content acts as a form of evidence, bolstering the credibility of the information presented.
This phenomenon is particularly significant on platforms like Instagram, where narratives are often constructed around visual media. Users frequently accept information without critically examining its sources or verifying its authenticity, operating under the assumption that exposure to a video or image inherently validates the news. It has profoundly influenced user perceptions and has highlighted the hijab controversy on Instagram.
4.3.8 Agency of the Instagram Camera in Having the Courage to Speak Out
The Instagram camera also encourages individuals to speak out against the hijab controversy, as demonstrated by the interviews, analyzed documents, and observational data of this study. The allegory of the weapon best describes this, both as Latour (2005) used it and as the popular hashtag on Instagram used this term for the use of the camera (“our camera, our weapon”). Therefore, as explained in detail in different sections of this article, it can be said that the camera has agency in enhancing individuals’ courage to speak out in various controversies, allowing the camera to be used as a weapon.
4.3.9 The Agency of the Camera in Caution and Fear
The agency of the camera in caution and fear is perhaps in contradiction with its previous agency in enhancing an individual’s courage. In a different role, the camera made people see themselves as monitored and controlled, whether it is an Instagram camera or a camera in other surveillance forms. However, regarding the focus of this study, the Instagram camera, it was indicated that individuals, after some time, have been very cautious in sharing their photos. This limitation has been in both technical and non-technical forms. People in different environments such as gatherings with family members, friends, concerts, and even street protests are constantly careful not to be monitored and are afraid of being recorded.
4.3.10 The Agency of the Camera in Identifying Stakeholders
The pursuit of fame and the aspiration to “become an influencer” are prominent goals on Instagram, which has evolved to facilitate these ambitions more effectively than other social networks. This is largely due to the platform’s emphasis on visual content, allowing users to gain recognition primarily through the presentation of their appearance.
The Instagram camera plays a crucial role in shaping the identities of various stakeholders within the platform. By enabling users to capture and share visual content, the camera fosters the emergence of networks that include industries such as fashion, beauty, and lifestyle. These stakeholders are identified through their engagement with the visual features of the platform, which prioritize aesthetics and personal branding. Consequently, the display of one’s appearance, body, and clothing becomes essential for users aiming to achieve fame and influencer status. Therefore, the agency of the Instagram camera is instrumental in identifying and forming stakeholder networks, as it encourages a culture where visual representation is key to gaining visibility and influence.
5 Conclusion
The present study aimed to investigate the hijab controversy in Iran on Instagram by analyzing the role of the Instagram camera as an active participant in this issue. New materialism perspective seeks to reject the distinctions and separations between culture and nature, human and nonhuman, micro and macro, and mind and matter (Fox & Alldred, 2015, p. 7). Bruno Latour, a prominent thinker in this field, emphasized the interconnectedness of humans, nature, and technology. He argued that the reduction of one element and the privileging of another is a significant problem in modern society and sociology (Latour, 2005). Thus, from this perspective, the Instagram camera is viewed as an influential agent that has the power to shape and transform users and their interactions. This framework was employed to examine the hijab controversy in Iran on Instagram. Consequently, the study aimed to clarify and understand the agency of the Instagram camera in this context. Additionally, it sought to explore the various actors, networks, and agencies within this network, as well as how the Instagram camera “translated” their goals and interests into its own.
To address the research questions, we employed a methodological collage consisting of three stages: observation, document analysis, and both online and offline interviews. Our findings revealed that the Instagram camera has effectively aligned users’ goals and interests with its own, manifesting in various forms. This alignment was analyzed using Latour’s Actor-Network Theory (ant), focusing on “translation methods” and “tactics.”
The Instagram camera has played an important role in the hijab controversy. Despite the different opinions the supporters and the opponents of hijab expressed in interviews, there were commonalities between the two groups. These commonalities clarified the position and the agency of actors, including the Instagram camera and various stakeholders, who, regardless of people and women’s concerns about hijab in Iran, are active on Instagram. The commonalities were classified into six main categories. However, the primary commonality identified in this study is the mediating role of the Instagram camera in translating the hijab controversy. This study, then, revisited these categories to analyze them based on the “translation” methods and techniques in Bruno Latour’s (publication year) ant. Lastly, we identified “ten main agencies” of the Instagram camera concerning the hijab controversy.
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“Enghelab” (Persian word: انقلاب) means revolution, which has created a metaphorical meaning.
