Save

Mapping the Field of Religion, Globalization and Youth Agency

Introduction

In: Social Sciences and Missions
Authors:
Charles Mercier Université de Bordeaux France Bordeaux

Search for other papers by Charles Mercier in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7892-3396
,
Jean-Philippe Warren Concordia University Canada Montréal

Search for other papers by Jean-Philippe Warren in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9674-8085
, and
Hillary Kaell McGill University Canada Montréal

Search for other papers by Hillary Kaell in
Current site
Google Scholar
PubMed
Close
Free access

Youth. Religion. Globalization. Each term has been studied in relation to one of the other two, but few studies combine all three. The articles gathered in this Special Issue contribute to filling the gap. Focusing on the Youth Buddhist Society of India, David Geary and Manish Kumar’s paper examines how connections with transnational Buddhist networks allow young members to creatively appropriate the ancient traditions of Indian Buddhism. These changing connections offer them a way to regain agency, even as they are net losers as India pursues a policy of economic globalization. Astrid Trolle’s paper examines Filipino au pairs in Denmark, showing how geographical mobility rearranges their relationship to religion, including a sense of choice. The next paper, by Géraldine Mossière, also looks at the link between transnational migration and religious choice, in this case with respect to the impact on young French people of moving to Quebec. Centered on young converts to Islam, her ethnographic investigation describes the emergence of a narrative of hybridization, expressed through the prefix “inter” (intersectional, interreligious). Expanding upon the link between interfaith and globalization, the final paper, authored by Charles Mercier explores an interreligious association of French youth called Interfaith Tour, showing how young people use the resources of globalization to promote dialogue between religions.

Youth, which we define as people aged 15 to 35, can be seen as a life cycle phase between childhood and adulthood or as a generational cohort defined by particular attitudes and behaviours. For example, the impetus for the Interfaith Tour studied by Mercier is a perception that older generations stigmatize young people as lost and cynical. Typical of the Western European and North American ‘generational’ view, it assumes, first, that age cohorts are cohesive and, second, that youth differ significantly from older generations. As Trolle shows, this definition can pose difficulties when applied globally. For example, the global North statistics on religion do show significant variation in belief in God between the oldest and youngest generations. By contrast, statistics from the Philippines show no such change.

Defining youth as a particular age group or stage of development is also tricky. David Geary and Manish Kumar point out that a stagnant economy in Utter Pradesh has extended the social attributes of “youth” well into people’s thirties as young men, in particular, are unable to attain financial self-sufficiency and start their own households. Unsurprisingly, organizations and governments also define “youth” differently depending on local contexts. Indian youth leaders in politics may be in their forties. The Interfaith Tour in France defines youth as people in their late teens to late twenties. The Quebec government’s Programme vacances travail, featured in Mossière’s article, recruits young people aged 18 to 35 (if from France) and aged 18 to 30 (if from Belgium or Luxembourg). Ultimately, the papers concur that “youth” is a general age-defined rubric – for example, no paper identifies youth as over age fifty – that must nevertheless be finely categorized within local legal and social contexts.

Beyond the simple fact of belonging to the same age cohort, young people may be radically different in terms of their social conditions and opportunities (income, wealth, health, privileges, etc.), a heterogeneity that sociologist Pierre Bourdieu underscored when he famously declared that “youth is just a word.”1 One should be careful not to postulate that a birthdate can sum up an individual’s situation, but also to act as if youth can be considered independently of childhood and adulthood when these social categories are always constructed together, both historically and contextually.

1 Religion and Globalization

Since the 1990s, the field of religion and globalization has generally been characterized by two main poles. First, we find studies that examine how globalization nourishes and transforms religions. In a formative article, sociologist José Casanova argues that weakened national sovereignties frees religions from the state and allows them to constitute themselves as transnational forces.2 Scholars have shown how successfully global religions, like Wahhabism or Pentecostalism, disconnect their message from the particular cultures in which they first arose in order to produce a standardized version that can be easily exported.3 A major subtheme within this literature concerns marketization. Sociologist François Gauthier, revisiting Casanova’s thesis, asserts that, in globalization, market forces rather than political authorities shape religious forms.4 Other studies argue that globalizing religions create networked operations similar to that of global companies or cultural industries, including horizontal cooperation between franchised establishments, permanent adaptation of products to satisfy consumers, a flexible hierarchy, and training at all levels.5 The term “glocalization” entered the social sciences of religions’ scholarship, via sociologist Roland Robertson, to characterize the way in which religions adapt global products to local customs.6 Sociologist Peter Beyer, concurring that globalization is changing religion, views the generalized contact between cultures and traditions as producing a destabilizing effect that gives rise either to a fundamentalist reaction, which uses the tools of globalization to try to defend or spread the culture perceived as threatened, or to an ecumenical one, which seeks to reconcile diversities by promoting pluralism.7 In the first case, religions become part of “the backlash against globalization.”8 In the second case, religious actors engage in multifaith activities to establish mutual respect and dialogue.9 In any case, religions cannot be reduced to “antiglobal” forces.

The second pole in scholarship emphasizes how religions are, in fact, driving forces in processes of globalization. By encouraging people, in the words of Robertson, to think of the world as “a single place,”10 they nurture, and legitimize, the erasure of political and economic borders. Historian Ivan Strenski takes this argument a step further and asserts that the promotion of free trade rests on an almost religious belief in the capacity of open markets to foster human sociability. He links this belief to the sixteenth-century theology developed by Francisco de Vitoria, in which the Dominican friar justified Spanish trade with indigenous people in the Americas on the basis that God had granted the right of free passage at the beginning of the world.11 Other studies highlight the importance of religious networks in a later historical period, for example among nineteenth- and early-twentieth century Jewish trading families.12 In the same period, historians Abigail Green and Vincent Viaene demonstrate the importance of “religious internationals,” especially those dedicated to humanitarian action and philanthropy, in the emergence and development of a global civil society.13 More recently, anthropologist Hillary Kaell has shown how Christian initiatives, such as pilgrimages to Israel or the international sponsorship of children, contribute to how U.S. people who do not, or very rarely, travel still come to envision themselves as globally active.14

In brief, this vast field of scholarship on religion and globalization raises at once political, social, cultural, and economic issues. Religion not only confronts global processes, whether to oppose them or to embrace them, but it may also actively contribute to globalization’s emergence and consolidation.

2 Youth and Religion

Like “religion and globalization,” the topic of “youth and religion” first became a focus for academic study in Europe and North America during the 1980s and 1990s. Interest was stoked by a revival of visible devotional practices among young people, such as the choice to wear religious clothing (e.g. a kippa or hijab) or to participate in large confessional gatherings such as the European meetings of Taizé or the Catholic Church’s World Youth Days.15 In Europe, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the formal end of the political-secularism of the Communist state, created new openings for young people’s spiritual and religious expression.16 In 1991, a panel at the International Society for the Sociology of Religion (ISSR) in Maynooth, Ireland, brought together researchers working on these topics, which led to a volume titled, Cultures, jeunes et religions en Europe (1997).17 In North America, a twenty-year (2001–2021) survey of the American Academy of Religion (AAR) annual conference shows that the first two papers devoted explicitly to the topic of youth and religion appeared, respectively, in 2004 and in 2005.18 Both papers explored young people’s creative self-identities as spiritual rather than traditionally religious. A panel on “Youth Spiritualities and Youth Rituals” followed in 2008 and, since 2010, there has been a slight uptick in individual papers exploring this theme.19 Over the last decade or so, the study of youth and religion has gained more legitimacy and autonomy on both sides of the Atlantic. Rather than being perceived as subordinate to practical goals, such as the improvement of religious education, it is now viewed as a valuable endeavor in its own right that succeeds in capturing a sense of generational changes underway.20

As noted by sociologist James Beckford, “there has been a shift away from the tendency to confine studies of youth and religion to formal processes of religious socialization,” which means “a departure from the underlying image of young people as relatively passive recipients of religious knowledge.” In other words, “there is a growing recognition that young people can exercise a high degree of critical autonomy in making their own decisions about what to believe and how to translate their beliefs into action.”21 Increasingly, studies of youth have become correlated to studies of religious change and reform. The assumption is that youth foment new ideas, pioneer new media, and create new subcultures. On the first point, since the 1980s, North American surveys documented a weakening of religious identity and the erosion of adherence to moral prescriptions. Sociologists began to understand young people in the Global North as at the forefront of religious individualization.22 These results were confirmed in the European Values Survey in the early 2000s.23 Today, the growing number of nones, that is young people who do not identify with any religion, is the subject of specific attention,24 as is the importance of digital religion among those under thirty.25 The European Values Survey also led scholars to interpret the rise in visible religious adherence among young people as a sign of a polarization between a majority that is becoming secularized and a reactive minority that is redoubling its religious fervor.26 Similar themes structure the field in North America. Over the period surveyed at the American Academy of Religion, relevant studies nearly all fell into a few key subthemes: popular culture, new religious movements, and youth violence (especially related to African American and Muslim youth).

In the global South, research on religion and youth developed during the 2010s and has taken up similar debates. On the one hand, some scholars reject the focus on secularization as a universal trend. Working in the Philippines, sociologist Jayeel Cornelio notes that “there is no one mode of characterizing religious change among young people around the world.”27 In his work with young Filipinos, for example, he underscores how their access to new sources of knowledge do not lead to a rejection of Catholicism, but to a more personal relationship to religion that he calls “reflexive spirituality.”28 On the other hand, results from the research project Young Adult and Religion (YARG), led by Peter Nynäs, a Finnish sociologist, partially contradicts this conclusion: interviews with students from thirteen countries bear out the idea that worldviews differ according to national and social contexts, but also highlight a “generational secularization process,” including in countries situated in the Global South, such as India and Peru.29

3 Youth and Globalization

Scholarship on youth and religion fits within the broader framework of studies on “youth and globalization,” an avenue of research first encouraged by institutional actors concerned about the impact of global trends on young people. The United Nations, and in particular UNESCO, the European Union and some Western governments have funded scholarship aimed at better protecting and educating young people growing up in a global era.30 Scholars took up the subject from two main perspectives. One group has viewed globalization as a key factor in shaping youth culture, particularly the effects of “systemic interconnectivity that characterizes the contemporary world.”31 They argue that as young people experience accelerated international mobility, they need to cope with new challenges arising from interconnected job markets, multiculturalism, and delocalized social media. Increasingly easy access to rapid flows of information from around the world (despite persistent inequalities) is said to create a “condition of immediacy”32 at the heart of many young people’s daily lives.33 As a result, these scholars suggest we should view generational dynamics as operating on a global rather than a purely national scale.34

Another way to approach the topic has been to position youth as “barometers” of global social changes. Sociologists Vincenzo Cicchelli and Sylvie Octobre show that, in global studies, youth have become a “litmus test” to appraise globalization, whether when analyzing global imaginaries, social change, consumption, or intergenerational transmission. Segmenting populations in generations (silent, baby-boomer, X, Y, and Z) is often a way to measure the differentiated impact an increasingly interconnected world has on people.35 Cicchelli and Octobre have sought to structure the field by creating The Global Youth Studies at Brill, a network that groups together a book series (Youth in a Globalizing World) and the journal Youth and Globalization, asserting that “the global world is the framework within which all of the contemporary social, economic, cultural and political phenomena related to youth must be examined”.36

Concerning the position of young people in relation to globalization, we note a divergence between works that portray them as on the losing end of current transformations,37 and studies that see them as the primary beneficiaries of new global opportunities.38 But in both cases, authors insist on the agency of young people “as creative social actors,” rather than the passive recipients of global products. Scholars “refute any notion that homogenized global youth cultural practices are slavishly followed at the local level” and stress the “vital hybridity of distinctive youth cultures.”39 In short, according to the scholarly literature, young people seem to be perfectly capable of negotiating between the requirements of globalization and their own aspirations.40

4 Youth, Religion and Globalization

Each of the three sub-fields we have briefly reviewed – “religion and globalization,” “youth and religion,” and “youth and globalization” – is relevant for our special issue. Although few social scientific studies have combined all three terms – religion, globalization, and youth – connections are often implied.41 For instance, in the growing academic corpus dedicated to youth religion and digital media, the fact that the transnational flow of religious information is accelerating on the Internet is fundamental, although rarely does anyone ask whether it makes young people more “global-minded.”42

At the AAR annual conferences, only one panel, in 2009, tied our three themes together explicitly in “Adolescents, Young Adults, and Religion: Canadian and Quebec Studies in a Global Context.” The multi-disciplinary panel questioned if scholars should assume young adults have distanced themselves from religion or whether, in fact, they are “forging new relations to their religious heritage … founded on a dynamic of choice that typifies the globalized world they negotiate.” In keeping with the studies on youth and globalization noted in the previous section, it introduces the global context as creating a “dynamic of choice.” More particular to debates within Religious Studies, it views such choices as interrupting any facile secularization thesis, at least in the global North. Shortly after, in 2013, German ethnographer Stefan Kirmse published the first extended empirical study that explicitly brought together youth, religion, and globalization. Based on fieldwork in Osh, a city in Kyrgyzstan reputed to be an epicenter of radical Islamism, Kirmse showed that young people experience multiple transnational interactions in their daily lives: “They consume Hollywood and Bollywood movies, listen to Russian rap music, follow ideas of ‘true Islam’, interact with Christian missionaries, and engage with global capitalism and international organizations.”43 They live in a “marketplace for styles and identities” in which they make choices according to their personal preferences, but mostly according to the social norms of the communities to which they belong. Psychologist Sonia Suchday and her team largely concur in their study of a Jesuit university in Mumbai, which shows how young people hybridize traditional Indian values with those associated with the global West, reflected in a growing endorsement of materialism, ambition, and selfhood.44 Based on surveys in four Western countries, a recent volume also describes the relationship of youth to religion in a global and secular age in terms of agency and negotiation.45

A very large recent survey, conducted in 18 countries, asked how faith-based organizations can better enable young people to build global skills, and more specifically whether religion influences a sense of cosmopolitanism. The results reveal that “youth who identified with religious beliefs and religious practices […] more commonly identify themselves as world citizens” but are less likely to align with global citizenship tenets. For instance, they are less likely than those who have no religion to want to live next to people “from different religions and who speak different languages.” In other words, the awareness and acceptance of the world’s diversity is lower among religious youth, even though they think they are global minded.46 Their wish to be part of a worldwide ‘religious family’ seems to reduce the scope of their cosmopolitanism.

5 Youth Global Experiences and Spiritual Expertise

This Special Issue contributes to the paradigm of youth agency, which has become mainstream, as we have seen, in the sub-fields “Youth and Globalization” and “Youth and Religion.” Our contributors extend this theme in a new direction by showing how global experiences in work, education or voluntarism create openings for youth to constitute themselves as spiritual experts, which is a major dimension of religious agency. This expertise may pertain to new forms of individual religious expression or creativity, such as when a Filipina encounters evangelical churches in Denmark or when a young French woman converts to Islam in Quebec. Other times, expertise reiterates with new authority what youth are already seen to embody. In Utter Pradesh, for example, Shakya youth are not breaking with the past as individuals but deepening a collective process of Buddhization, according to the Youth Buddhist Society of India (YBS) leaders. Their experiences of travel take place among likeminded organizations within the YBS network. During the Interfaith Tour, the participants also travel within a preplanned IFT network and are expected to deepen their pre-existing commitments to interfaith exchange.

To varying degrees, young people in each of our cases become producers of transnational religious information, mainly through social media. In Trolle and Mossière’s cases, which are more individualized, readers are left to imagine how these young women transmit new ideas and information home. In Geary and Kumar’s case, that transmission is more explicit (and less dependent on social media): youth who are sent away on educational exchanges are expected to return and circulate new knowledge locally. Members of the Shakya community, notably Kailash Bauddha, also assist the Dalai Lama’s communications team to create and translate media in India. Mercier’s contribution most carefully parses the role of youth as global media producers; indeed, it is a requirement of the Interfaith Tour that participants produce a certain number of blog posts and other communications for the French audience back home. Working with the young travellers, Mercier shows that the orchestrated experience and its mediatization can lead to unintended ambivalence. While media production is a key for creating global networks and asserting one’s spiritual expertise, youth can view the marketization of their knowledge and experiences negatively too. Thus new media is not simply an unalloyed ‘good’ for globally-connected youth. We must look carefully at the specific work it does within a spiritual/religious framework.

The papers are also united in showing how global travel or connections may contribute to young people’s ability to assert themselves as economic agents, which is a major part of the transition into adulthood. Cross-culturally, young people’s responsibilities in this respect vary greatly, even among the globally mobile, and this contributes to what is thinkable for young people spiritually. French youth are net benefiters of globalization. They can take time for volunteerism and travel on IFT – and have the passports to do so. They are also seen as highly desirable immigrants to Quebec because of their imagined economic potential. In either case, young people are not seen as essential economic producers in their families or communities. In speaking with Mossière, for example, young French migrants do not discuss the necessity of supporting family and other dependents. Instead, they are ‘free agents,’ who can think of themselves as independent in educational, economic, and, ultimately, religious terms. By contrast, Filipina au pairs in Denmark are expected to remit payments to their families back home, which contributes to a moral narrative of self that is rooted in personal sacrifice for others. For these young Filipinas, working abroad also often creates upward economic mobility, turning their work migration into an opportunity to get both new material goods and salvation goods. In Utter Pradesh, there is much less global mobility for young people from Other Backwards Castes (OBC s). Indeed, they are victims of globalization insofar as India’s policy of opening to global markets has created entrenched economic depression. The resulting instability and inequality are major factors propelling Shakya youth to rethink their place in the caste hierarchy and insist upon a new religious identity as descendants of the Buddha.

In thinking of young people as agents, we should not assume that they act in purely individualized ways. More productively, we might ask how global opportunities (and inequities) lead youth to create or sustain certain networks and discard others. For example, although Mossière describes young women who make a significant religious break with their families, they are not discarding community, they are fostering a community of primarily immigrants and converts to Islam in Quebec, many of whom are young people like them. From their own perspective, many of the young women also see their conversion as a logical expression of who they already were, namely people who wanted to disrupt inherited patterns of discrimination in France. Mossiere calls these stories of self a “mythscape” that is connected to impressions of embedded cultural patterns (France is like this, Quebec is like that), which can then activate or discourage geographic mobility. Mercier describes a different mythscape that is no less powerful in propelling global movement; it imagines France, and to some degree the Catholic Church, as global triggers for interfaith relations. Moreover, it imagines young people as open and optimistic and thus better able than older generations to set this process in motion. Young people actively contribute to such stories whether they are personally mobile, like young people from France, or they are creating a self-identity linked to global networks. The latter is evident in the case of Indian youth as discussed by Geary and Kumar. As a marginalized community in India, Shakya youth turn to religion to create “a global future derived from an ancient past.”

Global networks and experiences create exchange, in particular the exchange of ideas. Thus youth are often central agents in negotiating continuity and change. However, exchange works in various ways. For Indian youth already part of the Shakya community, or Filipinas who are committed to Christianity, global movement brings the opportunity to consider new ideas from within the same faith. Granted, in Trolle’s example some Filipina au pairs are encountering new forms of born-again Christianity which causes them to reflect upon, or even reject, their familial ties to Catholicism. However, in Mossière’s case, global travel creates an influx of information from a new religion – Islam. Yet, in many cases, even these ideas are not entirely new; they deepen young French women’s pre-existing commitments or interests. Transnational travel gives them the physical and mental space they need to act. In his study of ITF, Mercier offers an example of how global movement is most instrumentally tied to the exchange of information. Indeed, that is the point of the voyage: to exchange religious ideas and information. It is expected that this exchange will result in a stronger sense of interfaith bonds, to some degree globally but mainly for a French audience at home. Likewise, Kumar and Geary’s paper demonstrates a “return globalization” effect. Transnational mobility is a tool that empowers young people to act locally, in their place of origin.

By comparing sites across the world, the studies gathered here underline the diverse experiences of religious, spiritual, or secular youth in a globalized world. In multifaceted and complex ways, each one contributes to better comprehending the interactions between local and global, traditional and new, structural and agential. Our hope is that this Special Issue propels a more robust subfield of scholarship on youth, religion, and globalization, building a more truly cross-cultural understanding of these themes in the process.

1

Bourdieu (1978).

2

Casanova (2001).

3

Roy (2012).

4

Gauthier (2020).

5

Berryman (1999). Lyon (2000). Budde (1998).

6

Vásquez and Marquardt (2003).

7

Beyer (1994).

8

Micklethwait and Wooldridge (2003). Robertson (2003).

9

Halafoff (2013).

10

Robertson (1991).

11

Strenski (2004).

12

Abrevaya Stein (2008).

13

Green and Viaene (2012).

14

Kaell (2014, 2021).

15

Mercier (2020).

16

Lambert and Michelat (1992).

17

Campiche (1997).

18

The AAR is the largest organization in the world that regroups scholars of religion and, as such, its annual meeting offers a sense of the state of the field. Hillary Kaell surveyed programme books from 2001–2021, cataloguing the following search terms: Youth, Young, Adolescent, Childhood, Global.* The survey included only AAR panel papers and excluded advertisements and other text, panels associated with the Society for Biblical Literature, events hosted by the Interfaith Youth Core (a US-based organization), and studies on university pedagogy. Earlier North American surveys in McAuley and Mathieson (1986) and McNamara (1992).

19

Before 2004, a few papers pertained to youth but not to their beliefs/religious practices per se. The first two papers were presented by Solange Lefebvre, Université de Montréal, “Religion, Spirituality, and Youth” (2004) and David Gortner, Graduate Theological Union, “Young Adult Worldviews and Life-Purpose: Shaped by Social Capital, Education, and Self-Efficacy, but Not Religion” (2005).

20

Collins-Mayo and Dandelion (2010).

21

Beckford (2010).

22

McAuley and Mathieson (1986). McNamara (1992).

23

Lambert (2005).

24

Thiessen and Wilkins-Laflamme (2020). Jean-Philippe Perreault, holder of the chair “Jeunes et religions” (Young and Religion), at the Université Laval (Québec City, Canada) has investigated the topic in the frame of the research project “Le religieux chez les jeunes sans religion” (2018–2022).

25

Campbell (2012).

26

Portier and Willaime (2021). A major mode of research among sociologists of religion is to conduct surveys among young people, often university students (Pille, Bertram-Troost, and Friederici 2009). This includes various collaborative research projects, some of which were financed by the European Union, notably ENRECA (The European Network for Religious Education in Europe through Contextual Approach), REDCo (Religion in Education. A contribution to Dialogue or a factor of Conflict in transforming societies of European Countries), and relevant portions of the European Values Survey (Lambert 2005). In North America, Christian Smith directed the National Study of Youth and Religion. See Smith and Denton (2005) and Smith and Snell (2009).

27

Cornelio (2020).

28

Cornelio (2016).

29

Nynäs et al. (2022). The countries surveyed were Canada, China, Finland, Ghana, India, Israel, Japan, Sweden, Peru, Poland, Russia, Turkey, and USA.

30

For example, Global Citizenship Education emerged both as an educational paradigm and as a sub-field of research in educational sciences in the 2000s (Shultz 2007).

31

Cicchelli and Octobre (2019), p. 5.

32

Tomlinson (2007).

33

They are also referred to as members of Generation Y, a category that includes individuals born between the early 1980s and late 1990s.

34

Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2009). Edmunds and Turner (2005).

35

Cicchelli and Octobre (2019), pp. 5–6.

36

http://www2.brill.com/gys

37

Blossfeld et al. (2005).

38

Nugent (2006).

39

Nilan and Feixa (2006), p. 6.

40

Cole and Durham (2008).

41

Osmer and Dean (2006) published a volume titled Youth, Religion and Globalization, but it focuses primarily on practical theology rather than the social scientific study of the topic.

42

Moberg and Sjö (2020).

43

Kirmse (2013), pp. 15–17.

44

Suchday et al. (2018).

45

Gareau, Bullivant, and Beyer (2019). The countries surveyed were Canada, United States, Germany and Australia.

46

Scott and Cnaan (2020).

Bibliography

  • Abrevaya Stein, Sarah. (2008). Plumes: Ostrich Feathers, Jews and a Lost World of Global Commerce. New Haven (Conn.): Yale University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beck, Ulrich, and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim. (2009). Global Generations and the Trap of Methodological Nationalism For a Cosmopolitan Turn in the Sociology of Youth and Generation. European Sociological Review 25 (1), pp. 2536.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beckford, James A. (2010). Foreword. In: Sylvia Collins-Mayo and Pink Dandelion, eds., Religion and Youth, Farnham: Ashgate, pp XXIV–XXV.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Berryman, Phillip. (1999). Churches as Winners and Losers in the Network Society. Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41 (4), pp. 2134.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Beyer, Peter. (1994). Religion and Globalization. London: Sage Publications.

  • Blossfeld, Hans-Peter, Erik Klijzing, Melinda Mills, and Karin Kurz, eds. (2005). Globalization, Uncertainty and Youth in Society: The Losers in a Globalizing World. London: Routledge.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Bourdieu, Pierre (1978). “La jeunesse n’est qu’un mot,” entretien avec A.-M. Métailié, Association des âges, 1978, pp. 520530.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Budde, Michael L. (1998). Embracing Pop Culture: The Catholic Church in the World Market. World Policy Journal 15 (1), pp. 7787.

  • Campbell, Heidi A. (2012). Digital Religion: Understanding Religious Practice in New Media Worlds. London: Routledge.

  • Campiche, Roland J., ed. (1997). Cultures, jeunes et religions en Europe. Paris: Cerf.

  • Casanova, José. (2001). Religion, the New Millennium, and Globalization. Sociology of Religion 62 (4), pp. 415441.

  • Cicchelli, Vincenzo, and Sylvie Octobre. (2019). Introducing Youth and Globalization and the Special Issue: The Rise and Fall of Cosmopolitanism. Youth and Globalization 1 (May), pp. 118.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Cole, Jennifer, and Deborah Lynn Durham. (2008). Figuring the Future: Globalization and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. 1st ed. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series. Santa Fe: School for Advanced Research Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Collins-Mayo, Sylvia, and Pink Dandelion, eds. (2010). Introduction. In Religion and Youth, 159165. Farnham: Ashgate.

  • Cornelio, Jayeel. (2016). Being Catholic in the Contemporary Philippines: Young People Reinterpreting Religion. London: Routledge.

  • Cornelio, Jayeel S. (2020). Youth. In The SAGE Encyclopedia of the Sociology of Religion, edited by Adam Possamai and Anthony Blasi, 927928. London: Sage.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Edmunds, June, and Bryan S. Turner. (2005). Global Generations: Social Change in the Twentieth Century. The British Journal of Sociology 56 (4), pp. 559577.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gareau, Paul L., Spencer Culham Bullivant, and Peter Beyer, eds. (2019). Youth, Religion, and Identity in a Globalizing Context: International Perspectives. Youth in a Globalizing World. Leiden: Brill.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Gauthier, François. (2020). Religion, modernity, globalisation: nation-state to market. London: Routledge.

  • Green, Abigail and Vincent Viaene. (2012). Religious Internationals in the Modern World Globalization and Faith Communities since 1750. Basingstoke: Palgrave.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Halafoff, Anna. (2013). The Multifaith Movement, Global Risks and Cosmopolitan Solutions. Edited by Anna Halafoff. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Hillary Kaell. (2014). Walking Where Jesus Walked: American Christians and Holy Land Pilgrimage. New York: NYU Press.

  • Kaell, Hillary. (2021). Christian Globalism at Home: Child Sponsorship in the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

  • Kirmse, Stefan B. (2013). Youth and Globalization in Central Asia: Everyday Life Between Religion, Media, and International Donors. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Lambert, Yves. (2005). Un regain religieux chez Les jeunes d’Europe de l’Ouest et de l’Est. In Les jeunes Européens et leurs valeurs: Europe Occidentale, Europe Centrale et Orientale, edited by Olivier Galland and Bernard Roudet. Paris: La Découverte.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Lambert, Yves, and Guy Michelat, eds. (1992). Crépuscule des religions chez les jeunes?: jeunes et religions en France. Paris, France: Ed. l’Harmattan.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Lyon, David. (2000). Jesus in Disneyland: Religion in Postmodern Times. Cambridge: Polity Press in association with Blackwell Publishers.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • McAuley, E. Nancy, and Moira B Mathieson. (1986). Faith without Form: Beliefs of Catholic Youth. Kansas City: Sheed & Ward.

  • McNamara, Patrick H. (1992). Conscience First, Tradition Second: A Study of Young American Catholics. Albany: State University of New York Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Mercier, Charles. (2020). L’Église, les jeunes et la mondialisation: une histoire des JMJ. Montrouge, France: Bayard.

  • Micklethwait, John, and Adrian Wooldridge. (2003). A Future Perfect: The Challenge and Promise of Globalization. New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Moberg, Marcus, and Sofia Sjö. (2020). Digital Media, Young Adults and Religion: An International Perspective. London: Routledge.

  • Nilan, Pam, and Carles Feixa, eds. (2006). Global Youth?: Hybrid Identities, Plural Worlds. London: Routledge.

  • Nugent, Rachel. (2006). Youth in Global World. Unesco, Population Reference Bureau.

  • Nynäs, Peter, Ariela Keysar, Janne Kontala, Ben-Willie Kwaku Golo, Mika T. Lassander, Marat Shterin, Sofia Sjö, and Paul Stenner, eds. (2022). The Diversity Of Worldviews Among Young Adults: Contemporary (Non)Religiosity And Spirituality Through The Lens Of An International Mixed Method Study. Cham: Springer International Publishing.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Osmer, Richard Robert, and Kenda Creasy Dean, eds. (2006). Youth, Religion and Globalization: New Research in Practical Theology. Berlin: Lit Verlag.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Pille, Valk, Gerdien Bertram-Troost, and Marius Friederici, eds. (2009). Teenagers’ Perpectives on the Role of Religion in Their Lives, Schools and Societies. Münster, Allemagne: Waxmann.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Portier, Philippe, and Jean-Paul Willaime. 2021. La religion dans la France contemporaine: entre sécularisation et recomposition. Malakoff: Armand Colin.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Robertson, Roland. (1991). Globalization, Modernization and Postmodernization: The Ambiguous Position of Religion. In Religion and the Global Order, edited by Roland Robertson and William R. Garett, 281291. New York: Paragon House.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Roy, Olivier. (2012). La sainte ignorance: le temps de la religion sans culture. Paris: Seuil.

  • Scott, Marquisha Lawrence, and Ram A. Cnaan. 2020. Youth and Religion in an Age of Global Citizenship Identification: An 18- Country Study of Youth. Children and Youth Service Review, no. 110.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Smith, Christian, and Melinda Lundquist Denton. (2005). Soul Searching: The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Smith, Christian, and Patricia Snell. (2009). Souls in transition: the religious and spiritual lives of emerging adults. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Shultz, Lynette. (2007). Educating for Global Citizenship: Conflicting Agendas and Understandings. Alberta Journal of Educational Research 53 (3): 248258.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Strenski, Ivan. (2004). The Religion in Globalization. Journal of the American Academy of Religion 72 (3), pp. 631652.

  • Suchday, Sonia, Anthony F. Santoro, Natasha Ramanayake, Hillary Lewin, and Maureen Almeida. (2018). Religion, Spirituality, Globalization Reflected in Life Beliefs among Urban Asian Indian Youth. Psychology of Religion and Spirituality 10: 146156.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation
  • Thiessen, Joel, and Sarah Wilkins-Laflamme. (2020). None of the Above: Nonreligious Identity in the US and Canada. New York: NYU Press.

  • Tomlinson, John. (2007). The Culture of Speed: The Coming of Immediacy. Theory, Culture & Society (Unnumbered). Los Angeles: SAGE.

  • Vásquez, Manuel A., and Marie F. Marquardt. (2003). Globalizing the Sacred: Religion Across the Americas. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

    • Search Google Scholar
    • Export Citation

Content Metrics

All Time Past Year Past 30 Days
Abstract Views 0 0 0
Full Text Views 612 294 19
PDF Views & Downloads 855 374 22