t This study draws heavily on the author's doctoral thesis, 'Explaining the Political Integration of Minorities: Roms as a Hard Case' (Department of Political Science, University of California, San Diego, 2002), the completion of which was made possible by support from the American Councils for International Educa- tion (through the US Department of State, Program for Research and Training on Eastern Europe and the Independent States of the Former Soviet Union); the American Council of Learned Societies (Fellow- ship for East European Studies); the Center for German and European Studies; the J. William Fulbright Foreign Scholarship Board; the Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation; the University of California, Berkeley; the University of California, San Diego; and the University of Pittsburgh. I also extend my thanks to Victor Friedman for his comments on an earlier draft of this chapter. 1 The preamble of the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia, for example, which presents the country as a 'national state of the Macedonian nation', nonetheless promises to secure the 'complete civil equality and enduring coexistence' of the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Roms, and 'the other nationalities which live in the Republic of Macedonia'. 'Ustav na Republika Makedonija', Sluzben vesnik na Republika Make- don ija 52/1991. 2 Zavod za statistika na Republika Makedonija, The 1994 Census of Population, Households, Dwellings and Agricultural Holdings in the Republic of Macedonia, Vol. XlII (Skopje, 1997), 64. While another census was conducted in late 2002, its results have not been released as of May 2003.
3 Referring to the controversy surrounding the results of the previous Macedonian census, conducted in 1991, Victor Friedman points out that the rival claims of Macedonia's ethnic Albanians (who had been encouraged with considerable success by ethnic Albanian political leaders to boycott the census), Serbs, Turks, Roms, Greeks, Egyptians, Bulgarians and Vlachs surpassed the total population of Macedonia while leaving ethnic Macedonians uncounted. Victor Friedman, 'Observing the Observers: Language, Ethnicity, and Power in the 1994 Macedonian Census and Beyond', in Barnett R. Rubin (ed.), Toward Comprehensive Peace in Southeast Europe: Conflict Prevention in the South Balkans (New York, 1996), 81-105, at 89. 4 This discussion owes much to Victor Friedman's 'The Symbolic Geography of Political Instability', Plenary Roundtable Presentation at the First Conference of the Southeast European Studies Association" The Southwestern Balkans: Current Situation and Prospects for the Future, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 20-21 April 2002. I am grateful to Friedman for allowing me to cite his presentation. 5 Balgarska akademija na naukite, Bklgarski dialekten atlas, Obobstavast tom, I-III: Fonetika, akcentologija, leksika (Sofia, 2001). 6 Kyril Drezov, 'Macedonian Identity: An Overview of the Major Claims', in James Pettifer (ed.), 1he New Macedonian Question (New York, 1999), 47-59, at 48-51. 7 The National Liberation Army was widely perceived as an outgrowth of the Kosovo Liberation Army, with a document circulated in October 2001 by former spokesperson for the Macedonian government Antonio Milošoski calling Macedonia 'the first State to have been attacked by a UN protectorate'. Antonio Milososki, Albanians without Rights or European Talebeans [sic�?', electronic mail, received by author 8 October 2001.
8 Although political parties representing ethnic groups other than Macedonians, Albanians, and Roms have sometimes been present in parliament, I exclude them from the current analysis on the grounds that their presence has been less constant than that of the groups treated here. 9 Panajotis Cakirpaloglu and Dusan No. Verigikj, Izl�ori ','0 Mahdonija 1990 (Skopje, 1992), 121; Lidija Hristova,'Izbomoto odnesuvanje na gragjanite', in Parlamentarni izbori '98 <'0 Makedonija (Skopje, 1999), 51-71; .llelsandar Soljakovski, 'Levicata desno, desnicata levo: Mnogu politicki partii - mali rezultati', Nova .Ilakedonya 26 September 1992,13. 10 Cakirpaloglu and Verigikj, T�on.... 123-4. 11 Insofar as political parties in Macedonian derive their support 'overwhelmingly from an identifiable ethnic group; Macedonia's party system. fits Donald Horowitz's definition of an 'ethnic party system'. Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley, 1985), 291. 'To be an ethnic party, a party does not have to command an exclusive hold on the allegiance of group members. It is how the party's support is distributed, and not how the ethnic groups support is distributed, that is decisive.'Ibid, 293 (emphasis in the original). In light of Horowitz's de5nition of ethnic parties and ethnic party systems, the fact that Macedonia's alia- nians consistently vote for parties associated explicitly with their own ethnic group suffices to make the J lacedonian party system 'ethnic', even though not all political parties in lacedonia campaign on the basis of ethnicity. As Hristova ('Izbomoto odnesuvanje...', 63-4) points out, the polarization of the Macedonians party system on the basis of ethnicity means that while ethnic Macedonians vote almost exclusively for Macedonians parties and ethnic Albanians for Albanian parties, ethnicTurks, Serbs, and Roms qua members of smaller ethnic groups often vote for ethnic Macedonian political parties.
12 Macedonian name: Vnatresna makedanska revalucionerna organizacija - Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstva. 13 Macedonian name: Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija,. 14 Albanian name: Partia për Prosperitel Demokratik. 15 Albanian name: Partia Demokratike Popullore. 16 Albanian name: Partia per Prosperitet Demokratik ti Shqiptarëve. 17 Albanian name: Partia Demokratike Shqi�tare. 18 Albanian name: Basbkimi Demokratih pir Integrim. 19 Albanian name: Partia Demokratike Kombe'tare. 20 Romani name: Partia Saste Emarai�ac�ake e Romengiri ki Makedonija. 21 Romani name: Pasakerdi Partia e Romengiri tari Makedonia. 22 Macedonian name: Sajuz na Romite vo Makedonija,. Although SRM is a Romani political party, it is called by its Macedonian name.
23 The current VMRO-DPl\1:\ was founded on 17 June 1990 in Skopje. 24 Vnatresna makedonska revolucionema organizacija-Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edin- stvo, Statut na ]-MR0-DPMNE (Skopje, 1999). 25 Id., Promeni za dostoinstven iivot: Izborna programa na parlamentarnite izbori '9S (Skopje, 1998, 5, 8. 26 Ibid, 13-4. 27 Ibid 17. 2S Ibid,73.
29 Ibid, 73-4. 30 Ibid., 82-4. 31 Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, 'Statut na Socijaldemokratskiot sojuz na Makedonija', in Vtor kongres na Soc�aldemokratskiot sojuz na Makedonija: Dokumenti (Skopje,1995), 37-68. 32 Id, 'Programska deklaracija na Socijaldemokratskiot sojuz na Makedonija', in Vtor kongres na Soc�alde- mokratskiot sojuz na Makedonija: Dokumenti (Skopje, 1995), 17-37, at 19,22. 33 Id, 'Platforma na dejstvuvanjeto na Socijaldemokratskiot sojuz na Makedonija vo naredniot period', in Tret kongres: Dokumenti (Skopje,1999), 47-55, at 48. 34 Branko Crvenkovski, 'Referat', in Tret kongres: Dokumenti (Skopje,1999),1-7, at 5.
35 See Slavejko Sasajkovski,'Ideolo'skata profilacija na izbomite programi na relevantnite politicki partii', in Parlamentarni izbori '98 vo Makedonija (Skopje, 1999),89-134, at 104. 36 Lidija Hristova, 'La democratie post-communiste: Identite politique', manuscript (n�pewritten) obtained from author (Skopje, 2000), 8. Heinz Willemsen and Stefan Troebst characterize as 'slight' not only the ideological differences dividing the \Iacedonian parties from each other, but also those separating the Macedonian parties from the parties of the Albanian minority: Heinz Willemsen and Stefan Troebst, Transformationskurs gehalten: Zehn Jahre Republik Makedonien, 51(3) Osteuropa (2001), 299-315, at 311. 37 Sasajkovski, 'Ideoloskata profilacija ...', 105. Sasajkovski further suggests that the attenuation of national issues in VMRO-DPMNE's programme may stem from the realization of the party's primary goal of an independent Republic of Macedonia. 38 Soljakovski,'Levicata desno...', 13. 39 Since the armed conflict of 2001, however, the pendulum seems to have swung back, with SDSM more supportive of the Framework Agreement than VMRO-DPMNE. See, e.g., Patrick :\loore, 'Macedonia: A Time for Truth', 5(58) RFElRL Balkan Report (2001). 40 Hristova,'Izbomoto odnesuvanje...', 66-7; of. Ivo Banac, 1he National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, His- tory, Politics (Ithaca,1984), 325.
41 Hristova, 'La democratie post-communiste...', 8-9. 42 Stojan Andov, 'Do koga makedonskoto minato kje go preslikuvame vo idninata?', 3.70 Forum (2000), 28-30, at 29. 43 Hristova, 'Izbornoto odnesuvanje...', 67; Mirjana Maleska, 'Rizikot na demokratijata: Slucajot na Make- donija', in Jorde Jakimovski (ed.), Godisnik na Institutot za socioloski i političko-pravni istrazuvanja (Skopje, 1998),149-64, at 151; cf. Donald Horowitz, `Making Moderation Pay:'Ihe Comparative Politics of Ethnic Conflict Management', in Joseph Montville (ed.), Conflict and Peacemaking in Multiethnic Societies (New York,1991), 451-75. 44 Duncan M. Perry, The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893-1903 (Durham, 1988), 16, 38; cf. Stoyan Pribichevich, Macedonia: Its People and History (University Park,1982),120. 45 Perry, The Politics ofTerror..., 39,163; James Pettifer, 'Die neue Mazedonienfrage', 20.4 Europdiscbe Rund- schau (1992), 45-55, at 46; Jens Reuter, 'Politik und Wirtschaft in Makedonien, 42(2) Sudosteuropa (1993), 83-99, at 84; cf. Banac, The National Question..., 326-7; Stefan Troebst, 'Makedonische Antworten auf die 'Makedonische Frage' 1944-1992: Nationalismus, Republiksgrundung, Nation-building, 41(7-8) Siidosteu- ropa (1992), 423-42, at 423. 46 Perry, The Politics ofT error..., 40.
47 Ibid, 129,166; also see Elisabeth Barker, 'The Origin of the Macedonian Dispute', in James Pettifer (ed.), The New Macedonian Question (\ew York, 1999),3-14, at 10. 48 Perry. The Politics ofTerror..., 212. 49 Barker, 'The Origin...',10; Barbara Jelavich, History ofthe Balkans: Twentieth Century (Cambridge,1983), 94- 5,170-1; Pribichevich, Macedonia ..., 122; also see Hugh Poulton, lf ho are the Macedonians? (Bloomington, 1995), chapter 4; Reuter,'Politik und Wirtschafr ...', 84. An illustration of the position of the latter faction is the book authored by its leader, Ivan \lihailov, in 1948. In this work, Mihailov applies Stalin's definition of a nation to the Slavic population of Macedonia and concludes that 'Macedonian Bulgarians' constitute 'an inseparable part of the Bulgarian nation', such that the term 'Macedonian'is 'only a geographical expression. Ivan Mihailov (lacedonicus), Stalin and the Macedonians Question (St. Louis,1948),12, 35. 50 Banac, The National Question..., 325; Barker,'The Origin...',10. 51 Pribichevich, Macedonia..., 140. 52 Stephan E. Palmer, Jr. and Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian Question (Hamden, 1971), 64. 53 The Bulgarian government's expectations were confirmed in February of 1999, when Ljubco Georgievski and Ivan Kostov signed seven bilateral agreements as well as a bilateral declaration on comprehensive relations and mutual respect between the (distinct) Bulgarian and Macedonian peoples. See, for example, Stefan Krause,'Defying the Odds by Remaining Stable', Transitions, Annual Report 1998,1999, at http:// www.tol.cz; Id., 'Surviving a Year of Crises', Transitions, Annual Report 1999, 2000, at http://www.tol.cz.
54 Iso Rusi, 'After 50 Years, Old Dilemmas All Over Again?', AIM Skopje, 31 October 2000, at http:// www.aimpress.org. 55 An additional manifestation of this ambiguity is the existence in present-day Bulgaria of an Internal Mace- donian Revolutionary Organization, the website of which contains statements recognizing the right to self determination of the inhabitants of the Republic of Macedonia while also featuring maps of the Republic of Macedonia on which ethnic Macedonians are labeled'Macedonian Bulgarians'. The party also maintains links to VMRO-DPMNE. See http://www.vmro.bg. 56 Rusi, After 50 Years...'; also see Kim Mehmeti, 'Macedonia: New Round of Fighting Feared', Balkan Crisis Report, 8 February 2002. 57 The PDSH was formed following the parliamentary elections of 1998 by the merger of the Party for Demo- cratic Prosperity of the Albanians (PPD-Sh) and the People's Democratic Party (PDP).The Ministry of the Interior twice denied PDSH's request to register as a political party on the grounds that its use of symbols of a foreign state (i.e., Albania) was unconstitutional. As for the parties from which PDSH was created, PPD-Sh was born when part of PPD's youth wing broke off to form its own party out of dissatisfaction with PPD's relative complacency. PDP, on the other hand, was founded in early 1990 by Iljaz Halimi, calling in 1992 for the federalization of Macedonia with an autonomous Albanian region and the reconstitution of the Republic of Macedonia as a binational state. Janusz Bugajski, Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe:A Guide to Nationality Policies, Organizations, and Parties (Armonk, 1994), 117-8. More recently, another relatively marginal ethnic Albanian party, the National Democratic Party (PDK - formed in March 2001 and hold- ing one seat in the Assembly following the parliamentary elections of September 2002), has taken up the call for a federal solution in Macedonia. International Crisis Group, The Macedonian Question: Reform or Rebellion (Skopje, Brussels, 2001), Appendix A.
58 Partija za demokratski prosperitet, Statut (Tetovo, 1997), Article 7; Kongresi i Partise Demokratike Shqip- tare, Programi i Partise Demokratike Shqiptare (Tetovo, 1997), Article 2. I am grateful to Samet Skenderi for providing an oral translation of PDSH's programme from Albanian to Macedonian. 59 Sobranie na Partijata za demokratski prosperitet, Programski opredelbi (Tetovo, 1999), 7; Kongresi i Partise Demokratike Shqiptare, Programi..., Article 5. 60 Sobranie na Partijata za demokratski prosperitet, Programski opredelbi...,7-8; Kongresi i Partise Demokra- tike Shqiptare, Programi..., Articles 2 and 9. 61 Sobranie na Partijata za demokratski prosperitet, Programski opredelbi..., 13; Kongresi i Partisë Demokra- tike Shqiptare, Programi..., Articles 6 and 24. 62 Sobranie na Partijata za demokratski prosperitet, Programski opredelbi..., 16; Kongresi i Partise Demokra- tike Shqiptare, Programi..., Article 22. While PPD's programme refers to the unofficial university in Tetovo by name, PDSH calls simply for a university teaching in the Albanian language. PDSH's participation after its 1998 entry into government in the establishment of a different university with instruction in Albanian (i.e., the South East European University at Tetovo) suggests that the reference in PDSH's programme may have been to something other than the unofficial university. 63 The Macedonian-language version of the introduction to BDI's website (http://www.bdi-press.org) makes the link between armed group and political party clear in the first sentence: '\Ve who knew how to wage war also know how to wage peace.'The same text refers to '[t]he glorious struggle of our people organized in the U(�K', making use of the Albanian abbreviation for the National Liberation Army (Usbtria Çlirim- tare Kombetare), an abbreviation more familiar to the Macedonian reading public (the usual Macedonian abbreviation is `ONt1) as that of the Kosovo Liberation Army (Usbtria (31irimtare e Kosoves).
64 Jenny Engstrom, 'Multi-ethnicity or Bi-nationalism? The Framework Agreement and the Future of the Macedonian State', 2.1 journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe (2002): http://www.ecmi.de/ jemie/special_C2002,html, p.7. Also see Ulrich Buechsenschuetz, 'Macedonia's Arben Xhaferi Reappears', 7(7) RFElRL Balkan Report (2003). 65 http://www.bdi-press.org. For the text of the Framework Agreement, see http://www.president.gov.mk/ eng/info/dogovor.htm. 66 For the BDI's programmatic declaration, see http://www.bdi-press.org. 67 There are two exceptions to this generalization. The first, Amdi Bajram, was elected to parliament as an independent candidate in 1994, two years before he registered the Romani political party which he subsequently represented in the Assembly until 2002. The other exception is Dzulistana Markovska, who served as a member of parliament for VMRO-DPMNE from 1990 to 1998. Whereas the sole reason for Bajram's initial election to parliament as an independent candidate was the inability of his party (i.e., SRM) to gather a number of signatures sufficient for registration with the Ministry of the Interior, Markovska's lack of interest in specifically Romani issues is such that she is not generally viewed as a representative of Macedonia's Romani population (although she declares herself a Rom). Significant in any case is that pohti- cal parties of the ethnic Macedonian majority have accepted Roms as candidates. A survey conducted by Gallup International in 1994 indicates that 26% of ethnic Macedonians would be willing to vote for a Rom representing their preferred political party in regional elections. While this may seem like a low number, it is lower only than the percentage of ethnic Macedonian respondents willing to vote for a Vlach (38%) or a Serb (31%) representing their preferred political party, with Jews (25%), Turks (25%), Albanians (22%), and Bulgarians (18%) inspiring less confidence. Krasimir Kanev,'Dynamics of Inter-Ethnic Tensions in Bulgaria and the Balkans', 4(2) Balkan Forum (1996), 213-52, at 247.
68 In fact, PSERM was founded as the Part)- for Complete Emancipation of the Roms (i.e., PSER), adding the 'M' to its acronym in the first years of the party's existence as an indication of its loyalty to the Republic of Macedonia. I am grateful to Victor Friedman for bringing this to mv attention. 69 This presentation of the Republic of Macedonia seems to have been taken from ICiro Gligorov, who uses a similar phrase in the tide of his autobiography. 70 Predsedatelstvo na PCERM, ProBrama na Part�ata za celosna emancipac�a na Romite od Makedonija (Skopje, 1999), 1-2. Here, it is worth pointing out that the wording used in PSER\I's programme and statute is often similar to that used in the programmes and statutes of SDSM (discussed above), as well as in the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia ('Ustav na Republika Makedonija...'). 71 Predsedatelstvo na PCERM 1999, Programa..., 8-9; also see Partija za celosna emancipacija na Romite od Makedorrija, Statut na Part za celosna emancipacija na Romite ad Makedonija (Skopje, 1999). PSERi%l's position with respect to the Macedonian Orthodox Church is particularly noteworthy insofar as 91.6% of Roms in Macedonia declared themselves Muslims in the 1994 census. Zavod za statistika na Republika Makedonija, The 1994 Census af Population, Households, Dwellings andAgricultural Holdings in the Republic of Macedonia, Vol. I (Skopje, 1997), 50. 72 Predsedatelstvo na PCERM 1999, Programa..., 6-8. 73 Zoltan Barany, 'The Roma in Macedonia: Ethnic Politics and the marginal Condition in a Balkan State', 18 Ethnic and Racial Studies (1995), 515-31, at 524. 74 Partija na Romite od Makedonija, Pragrama na Partija na Romite od Makedonija (Skopje,1998),1, 3.
75 Interview by author, Suto Orizari, 6 December 2000. 76 Partija na Romite od Makedonija, Programa..., 5-7. 77 Martin Demirovski, 'Nezdet Mustafa: Portrait of a Romani Politician', 6(4) Roma Rights (2001), at http: //www.errc.org. 78 Protokolza dolgoroéna sorabotka na VMRO-DPMNE so Sojuzot na Romite ad Makedonija, signed in Skopje by Gjuneš Mustafa (President of SRM) and Dosta Dimovska (then Minister of the Interior as well as a vice president of VMRO-DPMNE) on 29 October 1999. Document courtesy of Gjuneš Mustafa. 79 In winter of 2001, for example, Gjuneš Mustafa was a member of both SRM and PPRM, literally commut- ing between the city hall in Suto Orizari and Amdi Bajram's office in the parliament building. S0 Zoltan Barany, The EastEuropean Gypsies: Regime Change, Marginality, and Ethnopolitics (Cambridge, 2002), 222.
81 'Zakon za izbor i otpovikuvanje na pratenici i odbornici', Sluiben vesnik na Republika Makedonija, 28/1990. 82 Herbert Kitschelt, 'The Formation of Party Systems in East Central Europe', 20 Politics and Society (1992), 7-S0, at 9. 83 An additional consideration was to avoid provoking the government in Belgrade into making use of the Yugoslav People's Army - still stationed in Macedonia at the time - to put down an attempt at secession, the option favoured by VMRO-DP\I\E. Maleska, Rizikot..., 155-6, 160-1; cf. Ljubomir D. Frckovski, 'Election Model and Political Dynamism in Macedonia', 2(8) :lfaredonian Affairs (1998), 39-54; Nana'spa Gaber and Aneta Jovevska, Dizajniranje izboren system na Republika Makedonija, (Skopje, 1997); Arend Lijphart, 'Democratization and Constitutional Choices in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland', 4 Journal of1heoretical Politics (1992), 207-23; Tatu Vanhanen, 1he Process o(Democratization: A Comparative Study of 147 States (New York,1990), 20. 84 'Zakon za izbor na pratenici vo Sobranieto na Republika Makedonija, Sluthen vesnik na Republika Make- don ya 24/1998. 85 Aneta Jovevska, 'Izborniot sistem na Republika Makedonija niz prizmata na parlamentarnite izbori', in Parlamentarni izhori '98 vo Makedonija, (Skopje,1999), 9-50, at 31. 86 Maleska, Rizikot..., 161.
87 'Zakon za izbor na pratenici vo Sobranieto na Republika Makedonija', Sluzben vesnik na Republika Make- donia 42/2002. 88 According to the d'Hondt formula, the number of votes won by each party in an electoral district is divided by the number of seats held by the party increased by one, with the first seat awarded to the party with the greatest number of votes. Although each seat held by a given party reduces the party's chances of winning further seats, the d'Hondt formula is generally considered to favour larger parties over smaller ones. 89 Other legislation in the package includes the Law on the Electoral List ('Zakon za izbirackiot spisok') and Law on Electoral Districts ('Zakon za izbornite edinici za izbor na pratenici vo Sobranieto na Republika Makedonija'), Sluiben vesnik na Republika Makedonija 42/2002 and 43/2002, respectively. For a map of the new electoral districts, see the website of the State Electoral Commission, at http://www.dik.mk. 90 For example, on 3 September 2001 Ljubco Georgievski declared in parliament that approval of the Frame- work Agreement would send a message that terrorism pays. 'Macedonian Prime Minister Grudgingly Endorses Peace Package', RFElRL Newsline, 4 September 2001. 91 Gaber and Jovevska, Dizajniranje..., 44, footnote 59. 92 Jovevska, 'Izborniot system...', 43. 93 Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia website, at http://www.sobranie.mk/Izbori2002/izb-rez.htm.
94 Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societier: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, 1977), Chapter 2; Id., "The Puzzle of Indian Democracy: A Consociational Interpretation, 90 American Political Science Review (1996), 258-68, at 261; Douglas Rae, 7he Political Consequences of Electoral Laws (New Haven, 1967), 95; Andrew Reynolds and Ben Reilly, 7he InternationalIDEA Handbook ofElectoral S_ystem Design (Stockholm, 199·7), 30-1, 62-3.
95 Gaber and Jovevska, Dizajniranje..., 70-82; also see Id, 'Experiences in Newly Applied Election Model', 2(8) Macedonian 4ffairs (1998),13-38, at 26-37. 96 Id, Dizajniranje..., 44, footnote 59; Stojmen Mihajlovski and Dusan M. Verigikj, Povekjepartiskite izbori vo Republika Makedonija: Analiza na izbornite rezultati vo 1994 i 1996 godina (Skopje, 1998), 96. 97 http://wwwdik.mk/kon-rezultati/REZULTATI-files/sheetOO2.htm.
98 Part of electoral coalition 'For Macedonia Together' headed by SDSM and including the Liberal Demo- cratic Party, Christian Socialist Party of Macedonia, Green Party of Macedonia, Labour Agricultural Party of Macedonia, Democratic League of the Bosniaks in the Republic of Macedonia, Democratic Union of the Vlachs of Macedonian, Democratic Party of the Serbs of Macedonia, United Pam of the Roms of Macedo- nia, and Democratic Party of the Turks of l�lacedonia.